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He did not want to take the lead as a bishop in an important “Lehrstelle”Eusebius may be seen as a proof that the exegetical traditiOn city, but chose Emesa, a city which was on the wane at that time. Acer Laboratories Inc. Free voobys.exe download free Hebrew, however, sabek indicates “remission. Kristian Heal. Kroll Ontrack Inc.
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In addition, he gives a bio- now have is not necessarily the same as the Peshitta text of the fourth cen- graphical sketch, in which “the sources are exploited to their utmost tury. At that time, his native town sion may be reached. First of all, Field and Rahlfs took the Lupos readings was already an important center of Syriac-speaking Christianity, distin- as one group, without distinguishing between the authors citing them.
Here, Eusebius must have received an in advance, it is safer to make such a distinction. In the second place, I education appropriate to his prominent descent. We may suppose that he believe that Field was right in denying the conclusiveness of the references studied profane and sacred literature. Jerome describes him, perhaps in a where 6 Lupos and the Peshitta matched: in principle, every single Lupos somewhat bantering tone, as someone who wrote many books to please reading which does not correspond to the Peshitta may refute the thesis the people, and who had a wider knowledge of profane writings than that 6 Lupos is a Greek rendering of it.
I, though, would stress the words Diodore, who followed him. The latter had Origen’s library at and the possibility of corruptions in the Greek texts, lends much weight to his disposal. Our Eusebius must have obtained his knowledge of the Hex- the position of Pedes and Wellhausen-as may be gathered from the apla and of Origen’s philological work in general from his namesake. It examples given below. Of course, both the reading of 6 Lupos and the one has been known for a long time that the Antiochene School inherited this of the Peshitta may be, and should be, carefully checked.
It will be clear, part of Origen’s legacy; while discarding his allegorical interpretation of however, that under these circumstances one swallow does not make a the Bible. In the third place, it should be stressed that more importance be important historical link between Origen’s work and the Antiochenes. Eusebius seems to have escaped whole, including what the exegete in question tells us about 6 Lupos.
We nomination as bishop twice. From Antioch he went to Alexandria, as he did have already seen that Lehmann, Sprenger and Guinot argued on this not want to be appointed in the former city. When he had returned to basis.
If “einen vollstandig sicheren Beweis” is ever to be found, it will Antioch, he was asked to go back again to succeed Athanasius as bishop of probably be by using this approach. Such being the case, I shall now give Alexandria. Eusebius, however, acquainted with this bishop’s popularity, some notes on the life of the first user of the indication 6 Lupos, his Com- refused. Eventually, he accepted the see of Emesa, but it is possible that he mentary on the Octateuch, and its tradition.
By the year he was no longer alive. As to his arrival in Antioch around , this might make it too late for Eusebius of Emesa- Some Biographical Notes him to be considered a link between the “younger Antiochenes,” like Diodore and Theodore, and the “older Antiochenes,” like Lucian and Lehmann gives a survey of all studies on Eusebius.
However, if we define the Antiochene School rather as a patristic sources for the life of Eusebius may be found in Buytaert’s exten- sive study of his life and work. Octateuch: “An Important Text. He did not want to take the lead as a bishop in an important “Lehrstelle” , Eusebius may be seen as a proof that the exegetical traditiOn city, but chose Emesa, a city which was on the wane at that time. He is the first repre- sentative of the Antiochene School whose exegetical writings have come down to us in reasonable quantities.
Especially since the publication of his Eusebius’s Commentary on the Octateuch Commentary on the Octateuch, we are able to grasp the significance of those passages in Jerome’s De Viris Inlustribus where Eusebius is pre- In his catalogue of the writings of the Fathers, ‘Abdiso’ bar Berika early sented as the teacher and example of Diodore and John Chrysostom.
UTa Kal. In the sec- must have written a collection of that kind, but that it is now lost. Grillmeier now puts him on a level with published Armenian translation-as Devreesse had already surmised on Diodore.? O Both still adhered to the logos-sarx scheme, but rejected a pure the basis of catena fragments. They advocated a separation of divinity and humanity in the fact that this commentary does not always take the form of questions Christ-an idea that was elaborated in the subsequent period by other and answers.
Lehmann calls the genre of the Commentary “quaestiones in Aritiochenes, who abandoned the logos-sarx scheme. Grillmeier and loca difficilia. Grillmeier, may be sensed in his Commentary on the Octateuch. He sometimes gives a who stresses the importance of his influence on Diodore, regards him as few options without making a clear choice. It would, however, be unfair to “verbindendes Glied” between the two cities.
There are subjects in which he took Further discussion on this matter would go beyond the scope of this great interest.
Thus at Gen , when he goes into Abraham’s supposed essay. But one statement made by Eusebius himself must be mentioned disbelief, he takes the opportunity to deal again with the problem of origi- since it illustrates how the confusion over his dogmatic position could have nal sin and retribution, making a stand for man’s free will and his opportu- arisen: “Non sum contentiosus, sed et abstineo me a contentione.
Through righteousness, anyone can overcome mortality. Here and elsewhere in his commentary, he illustrates this idea with exam- 68 Harnack and Moller, “Antiochenische Schule,” Eusebius argues for Studium der Dogmengeschichte, 6th edition ed. Aland, , has yet another solutiOn: he denies that Eusebius was a pupil of his namesake of Caesarea and Patrophilus.
He would have 74 learned his method of exegesis from Eustathius. This is chronologically very difficult. The passage Assemani, ed. Bardy, “La litterature patristique des «quaestiones et responsiones»”; on Eusebius: Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs grecs, Doctrine of God, Commentaire de l’Octateuque, 58,,; cf. His intermediaries will have given lar words,” as he states in his introduction to the Commentary. The latter were, I suppose, ideas are illustrated with examples, not only in the introduction, but also colored by their understanding of the text and by the Targumim they are elsewhere.
Eusebius, though, may have used two other ways to Indeed, everywhere in his commentary Eusebius shows his interest in gain information on the Hebrew readings.
The philological work of Origen the differences between the various witnesses of the biblical text. As he should be mentioned in this respect: it is possible that he, like Origen him- wrote his commentary in Greek, for a Greek-speaking audience, his basic self,86 used the Three as an intermediary.
Thus, when he gives the shades of text is the Septuagint. If this was the case, Eusebius may indeed have used sometimes be understood as a. As this tradition is the Hebrew text and some Syriac version of it.
If not, these texts were either known to Didymus of Alexandria as wel1, 88 Origen’s work may have been written in Greek, or translated for him by someone else. Biographical evi- a possible common source. The third procedure for obtaining information dence confirms that his knowledge of Syriac is beyond all doubt. Did and the evidence he gives of his knowledge of translation problems, would Eusebius suppqse that. When the Syriac reading?
Eusebius uses Did he also know Hebrew? I do not think so. Differences in the choice of words Hebrew to use the original text himself. Now, one may explain his refer- reveal that the source of his knowledge on the Hebrew word is not, as one ence to informants as modesty of a rhetorical kind, 84 but that does not seem to be the most obvious explanation. Jerome employed them, for example, as 86 Fermindez Marcos ‘Teodoreto de Ciro y la Lengua Hebrea” argues that this was also the procedure followed by Theodoret.
It is likely, however, that this exegete took over at least some 79 Hovhannessian, Commentaire de l’Octateuque, 2, and 2, See on this intro- references from his predecessors.
Hovhannessian, Commentaire de l’Octateuque, 1, Some examples: Petit, La Chafne sur la Genese. It was Dr. Franyoise lntegrale I. Chapitres 1 a 3, no. He may have been informed by “a Hebrew,” that the Hebrew text has the I follow Petit’s definition of a catena: it is a collection of exegetical frag- same ETUil.
OV as the Peshitta. It is interesting to note its ings must elucidate the question of his sources for Hebrew readings. From the name. The most exhaustive survey of the catenae is still Devreesse’ s analogy with “the Hebrew” this becomes a probability. It is, moreover, article. As he Octateuch, in which the fragments are grouped by author. She planned to edit the Catena script. First she published the witnesses of the Bible, though it may be connected to, and compared with, incomplete Sinai manuscript.
His interest ent of the widespread text of type Ill and has come down to us separately in translation problems stemmed from his bilingual background: as he as well, in the manuscript Coislin Petit decided to edit this text first99 knew two languages, and at least in Antioch lived in a bilingual society, and then to proceed with a complete edition of the Catena in the proper he had a keen eye for the difficulties that arise from the fact that the Sep- sense.
In the manuscripts of type III, it is the other way round: the Old Testament was only known through citations and catena fragments. Let us examine 95 the various witnesses. Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs grecs. Compare the expression TTapa Genese.
Petit, Collectio Coisliniana in Genesim. See for example Barthelemy. Septante et la pluralite textuelle des Ecritures. Bas ter Haar Romeny “Quis Sit 6 Evpot;” Revisited Catena proper was added-in an abridged and corrupted form-to a col- of his sources was made as early as by Eisenhofer, but this impor- lection which is also found in the manuscript Coislin Thus, a related text under the name of Diodore in the manuscripts of type Ill and among the Toura papyri, a commentary of Didymus was found, and the in the Collectio Coisliniana.
According to Petit, both attributions are cor- Armenian translation of Eusebius’ s Commentary became known. Wherever rect: Diodore used his teacher’s commentaries without restraint Petit even they are available, the original works give us insight into the way Pro- uses the term “plagiarism”. Eusebius’s texts were handed down to us in copius and the catenist were handling their sources. Much has still to be the Catena proper, and Diodore’s adaptations in the collection centered done in this field, but it is already clear that for the Greek tradition of Euse- around Theodoret’ s Quaestiones.
He collected fragments as well, but he made them into a running commentary. This means that he left out all attributions, that he sometimes Armenian Translation merged the texts of two or more authors into a new one or summarized his sources. This is especially the case in the first chapters of Genesis. The commentary we of the manuscnpt Ven. The striking correspondences in the choice of authors and frag- nothing in common with Cyril’s Glaphyra in Genesim. On the basis of the ments in this E:mTOflll and in the Catena have caused much speculation as language, he at first thought that the author could have been Eznik of Kolb.
This conclusion is now generally was perhaps to be identified with one of the branches of the Catena tradi- accepted. It would be unwise to claim more at. The text must have been translated during the golden age of Armenian this moment than that Procopius and the catenist both used a comparable literature, before the Hellenizing period of the sixth century.
There are collection of sources, be it just the same library or some common ances- some indications that the translation is not complete. The Catena has some tor. I04 fragments with a fairly certain attribution to Eusebius, whereas there is Petit’s investigations into the Catena will perhaps bring us further in nothing comparable in the Armenian text.
The identification of Procopius’s sources largely depends? Its style and on the Catena, as he does not give attributions himself. The first inventory Its way of expounding the Bible make a homogeneous impression. The attribution to Cyril is not without parallels. Mahe gives some examples of other works of non-orthodox authors being handed down under the names Petit, “La tradition de Theodoret de Cyr,” A survey of the discussion may be found in Devreesse, “Chaines exegetiques grecques,” Eisenhofer, Procopius van Gaza.
Thus Petit, “Les fragments grecs d’Eusebe d’Emese et de Theodore de Mopsueste” Compare Devreesse’s point of view in Les anciens commentateurs grecs, xiii-xiv, and ,. In Bazr:zavep 81 , ; 82 , , , They seem to disagree as to the relative dating of the catenist and summary m Bazmavep 93 Devreesse calls Procopius “le fondateur des cha’ines” and their terminus a quo See also Lehmann, Per Piscatores, and idem, “An Important Text. Evpoq” Revisited of those who were orthodox in the sense of the Council of Ephesus Procedure It will be clear that every witness has its own advantages and disadvantages.
The Catena and Procopius are in the original language Other Sources Greek, but present only isolated extracts. Moreover, Eusebius’s words m ‘ h b. We have already noted an odd citation in Basil’s Hexae- translatiOn, and b” ,. Yet The investigations of Van Rompay into the interdependence of the East even. A possibility is the Qms Sit o :tupos.
The examples that will be presented have not been exegetical work of Jacob of Edessa. I took the readings from Genesis adduced by Field to bius, as he quotes the ideas of the Emesene on the language spoken in demonstrate the differences between 6 kUpos and the Peshitta. As this subject, however, is not dealt with in the Armenian text of the Commentary or in any of the Greek fragments, Jacob probably used some other work of Eusebius here.
Ad Gen Texts contained in the Collectio Coisliniana. A Catena fragment interpolated in a fragment attributed to Didymus; ed. Petit, La Chafne, 2: no. See above, note 4. And at the end of the present passage, concerning the raven, the Syrian does not Voste and Van den Eynde, eds. Genese; Van den Eynde, trans. See also Buytaert, ges propose to the text as edited L’lu! Text of Procopius Mnc 77v ; ed. It is the original reading of the Peshitta-still to be found under the PG 87 1: A Ad Gen Texts For that reason the raven also “returned,” just as the Hebrew has it.
Armenian translation of Eusebius’s Commentary, ed. Hovhannessian, A Catena fragment attributed to Eusebius of Emesa; ed. Petit, La Chafne, 47, Fragment attributed to Diodore; ed. Petit, Coisliniana, no.
Procopius fits this text into his discourse, om1ttmg the mention of the The Hebrew and the Syrian have: “And lime served them as clay. The Syrian and the Hebrew often form pairs. In accordance with asphalt is useless for building purposes, but lime most convenient. The Armenian translation and the Catena fragment are almost exact parallels. As we have seen, however, Wellhausen already supposed that lutum, quo obducuntur parietes.
This identity of Tl Tavos century Peshitta manuscript 5bl. At least in the first half of the rant the assumption of a difference between the Peshitta and the Vorlage of Peshitta of Genesis, the addition or omission of a negation is not found as a 6 Lupos.
One may rather suppose that the forms There are still two problems to be discussed. Haury, p. The Syrian has “suspended” instead of held back; and as to the expression in a plant sabek, the Syrian does not have it.
Sabek, now, is a kind lacuna may be posited. This problem cannot be dealt with in extenso here. Is preserving the form of the cross through the stretching of the hooves. The Hebrew, he Eusebius assuming that the Hebrew text will probably convey the same as says, means “remission.
Or did he have an informant who gave this interpreta- though being single, means many things when translated. Now Moses called the cross tion of the Hebrew? Ad Gen – Texts C. From the Armenian translation of Eusebius’s Commentary, ed.
A Catena fragment attributed to Eusebius of Emesa; ed. Petit, Catena Hovhannessian, 68, Sinaitica, G And behold, a ram held back by its horns in the plant sabek. The Syrian says: As to the expression held back by the horns, the Syrian and the Hebrew say “suspended” i. But also the word ram “suspended,” he says, “on the branches of a tree. Sabek describes this accurately; for Moses did not say “a lamb,” being young like Isaak, but means that the ram , by exerting itself, mounted upwards, and by stretching the hooves a ram, full-grown like the Lord.
As he called the holy cross “the plant sabek,” that is, indicated the type of the cross. In the Hebrew, however, sabek indicates “remission. Part of a fragment attributed to Diodore; ed. Text of Procopius Mnc v r 2 ; ed. Oihw Kal. This is the famous fragment which was formerly attributed to Melito of Sardes; see above, The word u”‘pbit.
It can only be understood as an awkward Petit posits a lacuna here, as the participle TimoilvTa is inexplicable otherwise. We prefer to change only the punctuation.
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