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British Empire. The WDF swiftly defeated the Italians in their fortified posts and at Sidi Barrani and then exploited the success, forcing the rest of the 10th Army out of Egypt and capturing the ports along the Libyan coast. The British took overItalian and Libyan prisoners, hundreds of tanksand more than 1, guns and many aircraftagainst WDF losses of 1, men killed and wounded, about 10 per cent of the infantry.

Italian reinforcements were rushed to Libya to defend Tripoliassisted by http://replace.me/3682.txt Deutsches Afrikakorps and Luftwaffe. Подробнее на этой странице the French in Tunisia no longer posed a threat to Tripolitania, units of the 5th Army were used to reinforce windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new 10th Army.

Graziani expressed doubts about the capabilities of the large non-mechanized force to defeat the British, who though smaller in numbers were motorised. After being reinforced from the 5th Army, the 10th Army controlled the equivalent of four corps withinfantry, 1, guns, tankettes and tanks and aircraft. Division “23 Windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme newthe 2nd CC. Division “28 Ottobre” and the 63rd Infantry Division “Cirene”. Division windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new Gennaio” and the 64th Infantry Division “Catanzaro”.

Middle East Command under General Archibald Wavell had about 36, soldiers, some outside Egypt, guns and tanks. The British also had a battalion of Matilda II infantry tanks that while slow, were also equipped with the 2-pounder; the armour of the Matildas could not be penetrated by Italian anti-tank guns or field guns. Italy declared war on Britain and France on 10 Windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new During the next few months there were raids and skirmishes between Italian forces in Libya and British and Commonwealth forces in Egypt.

On 12 Junethe Mediterranean Fleet bombarded Tobruk. The gunners on San Giorgio then supported the local land-based anti-aircraft units and claimed 47 British windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new shot down or damaged.

The naval gunners also shot down a Savoia-Marchetti SM. As the Italians advanced, the small British force at Sollum withdrew to the main defensive position east of Mersa Matruh. The Italians dug in and awaited reinforcements and supplies along the Via della Vittoriaan extension of the Litoranea Balbo Via Balbia being built from the frontier.

Five fortified camps were built around Sidi Barrani from Maktila, 24 km 15 mi east along the coast, south to Tummar East, Tummar West and Nibeiwa; another camp was built at Sofafi on the escarpment to the south-west. Operation Compass, for administrative reasons, was originally planned as a five-day raid but consideration was given to continuing the operation to exploit success.

I do not entertain extravagant hopes of this operation but I do wish to make certain that if a big opportunity occurs we are prepared morally, mentally and administratively to use it to the fullest. The 7th Support Group was to observe the Italian camps on the escarpment around Sofafi, to prevent the garrisons from interfering, while the rest of the division and 4th Indian Division passed through the Sofafi—Nibeiwa gap.

Selby Force 3rd Battalion Coldstream Guards plus some artillery from the Matruh garrison was to contain the enemy camp at Maktila on the coast and the Royal Navy would bombard Maktila and Sidi Barrani. Late on 8 December, an Italian reconnaissance aircrew reported that attack on Maktila and Nibeiwa was imminent but Maletti was not informed.

Division “23 Marzo” and the 10th Army Headquarters were far back at Bardia. By the time Berti arrived in Libya, so had the British.

The RAF made attacks on Italian windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new and destroyed or damaged 29 aircraft on the ground. Selby Force Brigadier Windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new.

Selby with 1, men the maximum for whom transport could be foundmoved up from Matruh, set up a brigade of dummy tanks in the desert and reached a position south-east of Maktila by dawn on 9 December. At a. The 11th Indian Infantry Brigade, with 7th RTR under command, attacked Nibeiwa from the north-west, which reconnaissance had established as the weakest sector.

By a. The attack on Tummar West began at p. Another approach from the north-west was made and tanks broke through the perimeter, followed twenty minutes later by the infantry. The defenders held out for longer than the Nibeiwa garrison but by p. Tummar West was overrun except for the north-eastern corner. The tanks moved on to Tummar East, the greater part of which was captured by nightfall. The 4th Armoured Brigade had advanced to Azziziya, where the garrison of men surrendered and light patrols of the 7th Hussars pushed forward to cut the road from Sidi Barrani to Buq Buq, while armoured cars of windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new 11th Hussars ranged further west.

The tanks of 7th Armoured Brigade взято отсюда held in reserve ready to intercept an Italian counter-attack. Unaware of the situation at the Tummars, Selby sent units to cut the western exits from Maktila but the 1st Libyan Division filtered through and escaped.

The Italian defenders were caught at Sidi Barrani, in a pocket 10 by 5 mi When the British attacked again at dawn on 11 December, mass surrenders began everywhere, except at Point 90 where troops of the 2nd Libyan Division held out for a short time, after which 2, troops surrendered.

On 10 December, the 16th Infantry Brigade was brought forward from 4th Indian Division reserve and with part of the 11th Indian Brigade under command, advanced in lorries to attack Sidi Barrani. While moving across exposed ground, some casualties were incurred but with support from artillery and the 7th RTR, it was in position barring the south and south western exits to Страница Barrani by p.

The British attacked at p. NN Division “3 Gennaio” had also surrendered. On 11 December, the 7th Armoured Brigade was ordered out of reserve windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new relieve the 4th Armoured Brigade in the Buq Buq area, mop up and capture large numbers of men and guns.

A patrol from the 7th Support Group entered Rabia and found it empty; the 63rd Infantry Division “Cirene” had withdrawn from Rabia and Sofafi overnight. An order to the 4th Armoured Brigade to cut them off west of Sofafi arrived too late and the Italians were able to retire along the escarpment and join Italian forces at Halfaya. Over the next few days the 4th Armoured Brigadeon top of the escarpment and the 7th Armoured Brigade on the coast, attempted a pursuit but supply problems and the large number of prisoners twenty times the number planned powerpoint presentation free impeded the advance.

Italian forces crowded along the coast road and retreating from Sidi Barrani and Buq Buq, were bombarded by Terror and the two gunboats, which fired on the Sollum area all day and most windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new the night of 11 December. Late on 12 December, the only Italian positions left in Egypt were the approaches to Sollum and the area of Sidi Omar. The Italians had lost 38, Italian and Libyan windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new, most taken prisoner, 73 tanks and guns, against British casualties.

Exploitation continued by the two armoured brigades and the 7th Support Group, with the infantry of windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new Infantry Brigade which had been detached from the 4th Indian Division following up. By 15 December, Sollum and the Halfaya Pass had been captured and the British by-passed Italian garrisons further south in the desert.

Fort Capuzzo, 64 km 40 mi inland at the end of the frontier wire, was captured en passant by 7th Armoured Division in Decemberas it advanced westwards to Bardia. The 7th Armoured Division concentrated south-west of Bardia, waiting for the arrival of 6th Australian Division.

By this time the WDF had taken 38, prisoners and captured guns and 73 tanks, while suffering casualties of killed, wounded and eight missing. The 16th Australian Infantry Brigade attacked at dawn from the west, where the defences were known to be weak.

Sappers blew gaps in the barbed wire with Bangalore torpedoesthen filled in and broke down the sides of the anti-tank ditch with picks and shovels. The 17th Australian Infantry Brigade exploited the breach made in the perimeter and pressed south, as far as a secondary line of defences known as the Switch Line. On the second day, the 16th Australian Infantry Brigade captured Bardia, cutting the fortress in two. Thousands of prisoners were taken and the remnants of the Italian garrison held only the northern and southernmost parts of the fortress.

Windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new the third day, the 19th Australian Infantry Brigade advanced south from Bardia, supported by artillery and the remaining six Matilda tanks. The 17th Australian Infantry Brigade attacked and the two brigades reduced the southern sector of the fortress. The Italian garrisons in the north surrendered to the 16th Australian Infantry Brigade and the 7th Support Group outside the fortress; about 25, prisoners were taken, along with guns, light and medium tanks and hundreds of motor vehicles.

The tank force included 82 new M. Next day, the Babini Group, with ten to fifteen of the new M. The British swiftly retired, calling for help from the 2nd RTR, which complacently ignored the signals. The British lost several tanks and knocked out two M. The 19th Australian Brigade began to arrive in the morning and Italian bombers and fighters attacked the Australians.

The Italians swept the flat ground with field artillery and machine-guns, stopping the Australian advance 3, yd 2, windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new short of the objective. The 7th Armoured Division was dispatched to intercept the remnants of the 10th Army by moving through the desert, south of the Jebel Akhdar Green Mountain via Msus and Antelatas the 6th Australian Division pursued the Italians along the coast road, north of the jebel.

The terrain slowed the British tanks and Combe Force Lieutenant-Colonel John Combea flying читать статью of wheeled vehicles, was sent ahead across the chord of the jebel. Late on 5 February, Combe Force arrived at the Via Balbia south of Benghazi and set up road blocks near Sidi Saleh, about 32 km 20 mi north of Ajedabia and 30 mi 48 km south-west of Antelat; the leading elements of the 10th Army arrived thirty minutes later.

Next day, the Italians attacked to break through the roadblock and continued to attack into 7 February. With British reinforcements arriving and the Australians pressing down the road from Benghazi, the remnants of the 10th Army surrendered. From Benghazi to Agedabia, the British took 25, prisoners, captured tanks and 93 guns. The oasis of Giarabub was attacked in January and captured in March by the 6th Australian Cavalry Regiment and an Australian infantry battalion.

Kufra later fell after the windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new Capture of Kufra in March Further west, on the border with Chadthe Italian base at Murzuk was raided in January, when a patrol of the new Long Range Patrol Unit and a local sheikh travelled 1, mi 2, km to rendezvous near Kayugi with a small Free French detachment. The raiders then shot up three forts and departed. At Jebel Uweinata 6, ft 1, m massif http://replace.me/5175.txt km inland, at the junctions of Egypt, Libya and Sudan, were landing grounds with an Italian garrison.

Destruction of the dockyards and railway workshops and the sinking of vessels on the Nile could cut the communications between Khartoum and Cairo. The British were strafed by aircraft and ambushed by armoured cars of an Italian Auto-Saharan Company Auto-Avio-Saharianewhich destroyed several lorries.

Leclerc decided that an attack on Kufra was not possible and the remaining British источник to Cairo, after a day journey of 6, km 4, mi. The success of the 7th Armoured Division encouraged a belief in the Royal Tank Regiment that manoeuvre could win battles; the engagement with the Babini Group on 24 January, led to a conclusion that armoured divisions needed more artillery.

No integration of tanks with infantry or the use of anti-tank guns offensively was considered necessary. The lack of cover in the desert encouraged dispersion to avoid air attack but this reduced firepower at the decisive point. Due to the exiguous [ clarification needed ] nature of supply and transport, conservation during lulls also encouraged the use of ” jock columns ” a small mobile force formed of a motorised infantry company, a field-gun battery and several armoured cars.

The success of such columns windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new the Italians led to exaggerated expectations, which were confounded when German aircraft and better-equipped and -armed troops arrived in Libya. The 7th Armoured Division concluded that http://replace.me/20074.txt defensive mentality of the Italians had justified the taking of exceptional risks, which would be unjustified against German troops.

The WDF suffered casualties of killed, 55 missing, and 1, wounded. A far larger number of aircraft became non-operational due to damage, which could not be repaired quickly for lack of spare parts, a problem made worse by the increased use of explosive bullets by the Italians. On 14 December, a raid on Bardia by nine Blenheims cost one aircraft shot down and seven damaged by explosive bullets.

A week after the Italian surrender at Beda Fomm, the Defence Committee in London ordered Cyrenaica to be held with the minimum of forces and the surplus sent to Greece. The 7th Armoured Division had been operating for eight months, wearing out its mechanical equipment and was withdrawn to refit.

Two regiments of the 2nd Armoured Division with the WDF were also worn out, leaving the division with only four tank regiments.

 
 

Windows 10 1703 download iso italys supreme new. Jesuits in the North American Colonies and the United States

 
 

After being reinforced from the 5th Army, the 10th Army controlled the equivalent of four corps with , infantry, 1, guns, tankettes and tanks and aircraft. Division “23 Marzo” , the 2nd CC. Division “28 Ottobre” and the 63rd Infantry Division “Cirene”.

Division “3 Gennaio” and the 64th Infantry Division “Catanzaro”. Middle East Command under General Archibald Wavell had about 36, soldiers, some outside Egypt, guns and tanks. The British also had a battalion of Matilda II infantry tanks that while slow, were also equipped with the 2-pounder; the armour of the Matildas could not be penetrated by Italian anti-tank guns or field guns.

Italy declared war on Britain and France on 10 June During the next few months there were raids and skirmishes between Italian forces in Libya and British and Commonwealth forces in Egypt. On 12 June , the Mediterranean Fleet bombarded Tobruk. The gunners on San Giorgio then supported the local land-based anti-aircraft units and claimed 47 British aircraft shot down or damaged.

The naval gunners also shot down a Savoia-Marchetti SM. As the Italians advanced, the small British force at Sollum withdrew to the main defensive position east of Mersa Matruh. The Italians dug in and awaited reinforcements and supplies along the Via della Vittoria , an extension of the Litoranea Balbo Via Balbia being built from the frontier. Five fortified camps were built around Sidi Barrani from Maktila, 24 km 15 mi east along the coast, south to Tummar East, Tummar West and Nibeiwa; another camp was built at Sofafi on the escarpment to the south-west.

Operation Compass, for administrative reasons, was originally planned as a five-day raid but consideration was given to continuing the operation to exploit success. I do not entertain extravagant hopes of this operation but I do wish to make certain that if a big opportunity occurs we are prepared morally, mentally and administratively to use it to the fullest.

The 7th Support Group was to observe the Italian camps on the escarpment around Sofafi, to prevent the garrisons from interfering, while the rest of the division and 4th Indian Division passed through the Sofafi—Nibeiwa gap. Selby Force 3rd Battalion Coldstream Guards plus some artillery from the Matruh garrison was to contain the enemy camp at Maktila on the coast and the Royal Navy would bombard Maktila and Sidi Barrani.

Late on 8 December, an Italian reconnaissance aircrew reported that attack on Maktila and Nibeiwa was imminent but Maletti was not informed. Division “23 Marzo” and the 10th Army Headquarters were far back at Bardia. By the time Berti arrived in Libya, so had the British. The RAF made attacks on Italian airfields and destroyed or damaged 29 aircraft on the ground. Selby Force Brigadier A. Selby with 1, men the maximum for whom transport could be found , moved up from Matruh, set up a brigade of dummy tanks in the desert and reached a position south-east of Maktila by dawn on 9 December.

At a. The 11th Indian Infantry Brigade, with 7th RTR under command, attacked Nibeiwa from the north-west, which reconnaissance had established as the weakest sector. By a. The attack on Tummar West began at p. Another approach from the north-west was made and tanks broke through the perimeter, followed twenty minutes later by the infantry. The defenders held out for longer than the Nibeiwa garrison but by p. Tummar West was overrun except for the north-eastern corner.

The tanks moved on to Tummar East, the greater part of which was captured by nightfall. The 4th Armoured Brigade had advanced to Azziziya, where the garrison of men surrendered and light patrols of the 7th Hussars pushed forward to cut the road from Sidi Barrani to Buq Buq, while armoured cars of the 11th Hussars ranged further west.

The tanks of 7th Armoured Brigade were held in reserve ready to intercept an Italian counter-attack. Unaware of the situation at the Tummars, Selby sent units to cut the western exits from Maktila but the 1st Libyan Division filtered through and escaped. The Italian defenders were caught at Sidi Barrani, in a pocket 10 by 5 mi When the British attacked again at dawn on 11 December, mass surrenders began everywhere, except at Point 90 where troops of the 2nd Libyan Division held out for a short time, after which 2, troops surrendered.

On 10 December, the 16th Infantry Brigade was brought forward from 4th Indian Division reserve and with part of the 11th Indian Brigade under command, advanced in lorries to attack Sidi Barrani.

While moving across exposed ground, some casualties were incurred but with support from artillery and the 7th RTR, it was in position barring the south and south western exits to Sidi Barrani by p.

The British attacked at p. NN Division “3 Gennaio” had also surrendered. On 11 December, the 7th Armoured Brigade was ordered out of reserve to relieve the 4th Armoured Brigade in the Buq Buq area, mop up and capture large numbers of men and guns. A patrol from the 7th Support Group entered Rabia and found it empty; the 63rd Infantry Division “Cirene” had withdrawn from Rabia and Sofafi overnight.

An order to the 4th Armoured Brigade to cut them off west of Sofafi arrived too late and the Italians were able to retire along the escarpment and join Italian forces at Halfaya.

Over the next few days the 4th Armoured Brigade , on top of the escarpment and the 7th Armoured Brigade on the coast, attempted a pursuit but supply problems and the large number of prisoners twenty times the number planned for impeded the advance. Italian forces crowded along the coast road and retreating from Sidi Barrani and Buq Buq, were bombarded by Terror and the two gunboats, which fired on the Sollum area all day and most of the night of 11 December. Late on 12 December, the only Italian positions left in Egypt were the approaches to Sollum and the area of Sidi Omar.

The Italians had lost 38, Italian and Libyan casualties, most taken prisoner, 73 tanks and guns, against British casualties. Exploitation continued by the two armoured brigades and the 7th Support Group, with the infantry of 16th Infantry Brigade which had been detached from the 4th Indian Division following up.

By 15 December, Sollum and the Halfaya Pass had been captured and the British by-passed Italian garrisons further south in the desert. Fort Capuzzo, 64 km 40 mi inland at the end of the frontier wire, was captured en passant by 7th Armoured Division in December , as it advanced westwards to Bardia.

The 7th Armoured Division concentrated south-west of Bardia, waiting for the arrival of 6th Australian Division. By this time the WDF had taken 38, prisoners and captured guns and 73 tanks, while suffering casualties of killed, wounded and eight missing.

The 16th Australian Infantry Brigade attacked at dawn from the west, where the defences were known to be weak. Sappers blew gaps in the barbed wire with Bangalore torpedoes , then filled in and broke down the sides of the anti-tank ditch with picks and shovels. The 17th Australian Infantry Brigade exploited the breach made in the perimeter and pressed south, as far as a secondary line of defences known as the Switch Line.

On the second day, the 16th Australian Infantry Brigade captured Bardia, cutting the fortress in two. Thousands of prisoners were taken and the remnants of the Italian garrison held only the northern and southernmost parts of the fortress. On the third day, the 19th Australian Infantry Brigade advanced south from Bardia, supported by artillery and the remaining six Matilda tanks.

The 17th Australian Infantry Brigade attacked and the two brigades reduced the southern sector of the fortress. The Italian garrisons in the north surrendered to the 16th Australian Infantry Brigade and the 7th Support Group outside the fortress; about 25, prisoners were taken, along with guns, light and medium tanks and hundreds of motor vehicles.

The tank force included 82 new M. Next day, the Babini Group, with ten to fifteen of the new M. The British swiftly retired, calling for help from the 2nd RTR, which complacently ignored the signals. The British lost several tanks and knocked out two M.

The 19th Australian Brigade began to arrive in the morning and Italian bombers and fighters attacked the Australians. The Italians swept the flat ground with field artillery and machine-guns, stopping the Australian advance 3, yd 2, m short of the objective.

The 7th Armoured Division was dispatched to intercept the remnants of the 10th Army by moving through the desert, south of the Jebel Akhdar Green Mountain via Msus and Antelat , as the 6th Australian Division pursued the Italians along the coast road, north of the jebel. The terrain slowed the British tanks and Combe Force Lieutenant-Colonel John Combe , a flying column of wheeled vehicles, was sent ahead across the chord of the jebel. Late on 5 February, Combe Force arrived at the Via Balbia south of Benghazi and set up road blocks near Sidi Saleh, about 32 km 20 mi north of Ajedabia and 30 mi 48 km south-west of Antelat; the leading elements of the 10th Army arrived thirty minutes later.

Next day, the Italians attacked to break through the roadblock and continued to attack into 7 February. With British reinforcements arriving and the Australians pressing down the road from Benghazi, the remnants of the 10th Army surrendered. From Benghazi to Agedabia, the British took 25, prisoners, captured tanks and 93 guns.

The oasis of Giarabub was attacked in January and captured in March by the 6th Australian Cavalry Regiment and an Australian infantry battalion. Kufra later fell after the two-month Capture of Kufra in March Further west, on the border with Chad , the Italian base at Murzuk was raided in January, when a patrol of the new Long Range Patrol Unit and a local sheikh travelled 1, mi 2, km to rendezvous near Kayugi with a small Free French detachment.

The raiders then shot up three forts and departed. At Jebel Uweinat , a 6, ft 1, m massif mi km inland, at the junctions of Egypt, Libya and Sudan, were landing grounds with an Italian garrison. Destruction of the dockyards and railway workshops and the sinking of vessels on the Nile could cut the communications between Khartoum and Cairo. The British were strafed by aircraft and ambushed by armoured cars of an Italian Auto-Saharan Company Auto-Avio-Sahariane , which destroyed several lorries.

Leclerc decided that an attack on Kufra was not possible and the remaining British returned to Cairo, after a day journey of 6, km 4, mi. The success of the 7th Armoured Division encouraged a belief in the Royal Tank Regiment that manoeuvre could win battles; the engagement with the Babini Group on 24 January, led to a conclusion that armoured divisions needed more artillery.

No integration of tanks with infantry or the use of anti-tank guns offensively was considered necessary. The lack of cover in the desert encouraged dispersion to avoid air attack but this reduced firepower at the decisive point.

Due to the exiguous [ clarification needed ] nature of supply and transport, conservation during lulls also encouraged the use of ” jock columns ” a small mobile force formed of a motorised infantry company, a field-gun battery and several armoured cars. Open Access for Authors. Open Access and Research Funding. Open Access for Librarians. Open Access for Academic Societies. About us. Stay updated. Corporate Social Responsiblity.

Investor Relations. Review a Brill Book. Rights and Permissions. Press and Reviews. From Eusebio Kino to Daniel Berrigan, and from colonial New England to contemporary Seattle, Jesuits have built and disrupted institutions in ways that have fundamentally shaped the Catholic Church and American society.

The twentieth century involved Jesuits first in American war efforts and papal critiques of modernity, and then in accord with the leadership of John Courtney Murray and Pedro Arrupe in a rethinking of their relationship to modernity, to other faiths, and to earthly injustice.

Members of the Society of Jesus first set foot on land that would become part of the United States in the earliest days of European colonization. In the years that followed, Jesuits explored territory, proselytized indigenous peoples, and participated in Spanish, French, and English imperialism in ways that shaped both local and transatlantic communities. In the eighteenth century, the order ran afoul of European sovereigns. After first facing banishment from particular realms, in the Society was suppressed by Pope Clement XIV —74, r.

Yet, Jesuits remained a part of the history of the American church even when they did not, in the view of the church, exist. And although only a handful of former Jesuits remained when the order was restored, their numbers and influence grew rapidly. Within twenty years, Jesuits confidently participated in arguments over the role of Catholics and of religion itself in the United States, and they began to create an educational network that stretched the length and breadth of the nation.

In the twentieth century, Jesuits again began to collaborate with a range of cultural, political, and religious actors as they worked to extend the reach of the church as they understood it.

Some Jesuits embraced the changes and remade the order from within. Many others left. Their departure and the declining number of young men beginning Jesuit formation means that Jesuits have needed in recent years once again to rethink their role in the world and the nature of their community. Across the centuries, American Jesuits have been a small group—some eight thousand members at their peak, usually far fewer—and one mistrusted by many of their countrymen.

Yet, American history is incomplete without attention to their labors. Jesuits, for their part, cannot be understood without exploration of the imperial, national, and cultural histories in which they have participated as individuals and as an order.

In , a cannonball shattered the leg of a Basque nobleman named Ignatius of Loyola c. While Ignatius endured painful and unsuccessful operations, he read the Life of Christ by Ludolf of Saxony —78 , a popular work that told the story of Jesus and urged readers to imagine themselves within its scenes; he also devoured The Golden Legend , a vivid compendium of martyrs, miracle workers, and the competing faiths they sought to vanquish.

Realizing that the thought of life as a courtier and knight now left him unhappy, and that the prospect of following in the path of saints brought him joy, Ignatius made his decision. In , the Society of Jesus was born. They were promulgated only in , after his death. The two endeavors nurtured each other: Jesuit schools inspired some students to become Jesuits themselves, and the hardships of the missions offered a new golden legend for those studying and teaching in the schools.

Jesuits were among the earliest settlers in the English colony of Maryland. In each region, their message partook of shared Jesuit purposes and forms while also reflecting the distinctive contributions of the indigenous peoples among whom they worked and of the empires within which they toiled. By , France boasted fifteen Jesuit colleges, and the Society cultivated French prelates and aristocrats as patrons. What followed was, like just about everything else in this early modern world, complicated.

The difficulty of navigating French politics met its match in the perils of surviving the New World. The mission proved short-lived. The years through saw a second, fleeting mission established, but it too was crushed by an English expedition; in the year of its destruction, England gained dominion over all of New France.

Three years later, the English returned the territory to the French. Samuel de Champlain — , recently released from an English prison, began to build a new settlement at Quebec, and the Jesuit missions to New France began in earnest.

The Society of Jesus was thrusting itself into an already multicultural world. Indigenous peoples in the region known as New France belonged, in the accounting of modern ethnohistorians, to two large groups, the Algonquians and the Iroquoians.

The former tended to live in small, mobile groups and to draw sustenance from hunting, fishing, and foraging, although some members of the Algonquian language group lived in semi-autonomous villages stretching from what is now the Canadian Maritimes to Maine. Iroquois speakers, for their part, tended to cultivate crops and live in larger and more settled communities. What does emerge clearly is a landscape of competing religious and ethnic claims, shifting allegiances and hostilities, and both community building and community destruction.

In short, New France was a fitting companion to the early modern European world to which it was yoked. Everywhere they went, members of the Society looked for congruencies between indigenous beliefs and Catholic teachings.

But Jesuits in both Asia and New France worked among self-governing peoples possessed of cultural and spiritual riches and military and political power; they understood that they could not simply impose their will. They saw some reasons for optimism. Yet, the story of Jesuit interactions with natives in North America is filled with misunderstanding, conflict, resistance, and tragedy.

Jesuits found that in North America as in Asia, it was no easy matter to convince people to give up one faith to adopt another.

Ethnohistorian James P. As epidemics devastated tribes throughout the s, French Jesuits observed that Indians blamed them. Moreover, because they were unable to persuade most healthy adults to adopt Catholicism, and because they believed that baptism saved souls, Jesuits focused their attention on people they thought might not be long for this world: the very young, the very old, and the very sick.

When many of the newly baptized did in fact die, indigenous people recoiled. Trying to persuade adults to seek baptism for themselves and their children, Jesuits used a mixture of fear and hope.

God loved and protected the baptized, missionaries explained, and God cast the unbaptized into eternal punishment. Some Jesuits began to set stricter conditions for baptizing the very young or very sick, but this effort to preserve the full meaning of the sacrament became the source of new conflict.

Were Jesuits in New France agents of empire? Historians have at times made sharp distinctions between Jesuit and Anglo-Protestant missionary efforts, portraying the former as less bound up with imperial aims than the latter.

The dividing line is in reality not quite so bright. Le Jeune believed that the creation of a successful town, Quebec, and the development of profitable agriculture in the region, would simultaneously improve the material well-being of indigenous peoples and make them more likely to accept Christianity; he also argued that a flourishing colony would strengthen France, providing it with a new and loyal population as well as grain, ore, and timber.

As Jesuits saw it, moreover, France itself was also a realm in need of reform. Historian Bronwen McShea argues that Jesuit efforts in North America accorded with those of their brethren within France who worked to disabuse peasants of beliefs the Jesuits considered superstitious and primitive.

Both Europe and the New World were mission fields. Some Indians found meaning and solace in Christianity, and some saw value in diplomatic and political alliance with Europeans. Yet, the Relations observed that even those who came to Sillery used it as they saw fit. Rather than living permanently as villagers, Indians departed for long hunting trips, only returning to Sillery for rest. Cultural fracturing was as evident as disease. Proselytizing and factions went together.

During the s, the profound disruptions of the era begat full-scale war, as Iroquoians increased attacks on the Hurons, Montagnais, and Algonquins, as well as on the French themselves. Allied primarily with the British and Dutch, and armed mainly through trade with the latter, Iroquoians sought to take over the resources of Alonquian tribes.

The conflict became known as the Beaver Wars c. Whatever their mix of motives, Iroquois raiders killed many and took captive others. Women and children might be adopted into the tribe to replace those lost to disease and war, but men were often tortured to death. By , Hurons had fled the lower St. Lawrence region and the Huron Confederacy was shattered. Some stunned survivors turned to French protection and religion, and entire Huron villages converted. Although in far smaller numbers than the native population, Jesuits suffered and died during these conflicts, too; the years of war introduced new heroes of the Relations , the North American martyrs.

Isaac Jogues —46 was the first. A Jesuit who had been traveling with Hurons and two other Frenchmen when he was taken prisoner by Mohawks, Jogues suffered horrifying tortures before being rescued by Dutch traders. Seven other French Jesuits lost their lives during the era. Missionaries remained committed to drawing natives into Christianity and a French way of life, and even participated in efforts to draw the fighting to a successful close: a Jesuit priest, Gabriel Druillettes —81 , was sent to New England, where he offered French trade in exchange for English help defeating the Mohawks.

Yet, the Relations of this era celebrated not patriotic endeavor, let alone diplomatic or military cunning, but rather the selfless, suffering spirituality of the North American martyrs. After the Iroquois Wars concluded, Jesuits received permission to work in Iroquois villages. Some Iroquois feared and loathed the priests, not least because they had heard from other natives that the Jesuits were secretive, judgmental, and worst, carriers of death.

Yet, the Iroquois also contained small groups of Christian captives who had maintained their faith and spoke warmly of the Jesuits; given that the Five Nations population had shrunk during the wars, some hoped the Jesuits brought with them spiritual or temporal power.

The Mohawk headman Garakontie d. In , Louis XIV —, r. The royal intendant, moreover, turned out to have been educated by the Jesuits; his promotion of French emigration to New France and his encouragement of western exploration pleased the Society. Often, Jesuits saw challenges emerging not from conflicts with the state but rather from tensions with other orders and within the Society itself. Members of the Society disagreed over a plan to create a procurator general for all missions emerging from the province of Paris, which included activities in Vietnam, the Ottoman Empire, and the Antilles; some worried that the Canadian missions would suffer from neglect.

There were also skirmishes with the Society of Saint-Sulpice, whose priests had begun arriving in New France in the late s. Jesuits also created mission settlements loosely modeled on the famous reducciones of Paraguay, but less removed from European settlements than the Latin American originals. In some ways, the New France communities more closely resembled the Christian settlements Jesuit missionaries created within Japan than they did Latin American reductions.

Refuge proved hard to find. Women and adoptees were prominent among the Iroquois who chose to move to the villages, and priests at Kahnawake organized female sodalities, encouraging young women to commit themselves to virginity. One young woman who participated, Catherine Tekakwitha —80 , had lost her family and been scarred herself in a smallpox epidemic.

She twice refused marriage and participated passionately—if, to our centuries-removed eyes, somewhat unknowably—in Catholic penance and worship. Catherine died at Kahnawake at the age of twenty-four, after impressing her Jesuit confessor, Pierre Cholenec — , as fervently pious. Perhaps due to the painfully complex history of colonization and missionary work in New France, Catherine Tekakwitha has been venerated more among native peoples of the American Southwest—who lived and suffered under a different imperial regime—than those of her own region.

In the end, the migration of dedicated native Christians to settlement towns combined with improving relations between the Iroquois and the British to weaken and then doom Jesuit missionizing to the Iroquois. The Jesuit missions among the Five Nations came to an end. As always, events in the New World were entwined with those of the Old. So, began twenty-five years of nearly constant warfare in Europe and North America.

English settlers in North America outnumbered the French by twelve to one, but they were dispersed over broad distances and organized into highly distinct colonies; the French also boasted more effective alliances with native peoples. When the English lost Fort Loyal, in what is now Portland, Maine, to the French in , frightened settlers fled Casco Bay, leaving poorly defended settlements in what is now Maine and New Hampshire to be raided by Abenaki.

Massachusetts encouraged resettlement of the area and built Casco Fort to defend it, but in , the town of Deerfield, Massachusetts, lost over one hundred people to a raid; captives were brought to Montreal and Kahnawake. English settlers and officials suspected Jesuits of conspiring with Indian allies, and rumors spread that Abenaki living in a mission village called Norridgewock, not far from Boston, had their scalping knives and tomahawks blessed before raids.

The settlement of Norridgewock lay in the midst of these ethnic, imperial, and religious competitions. Racle inspired English animosity on economic and political as well as on spiritual grounds. French settlers who had established a fishing company off the coast of Maine feared Racle and other Jesuits were too successful in encouraging Indians to move to Norridgewock and mission towns such as Sillery; they believed that the migration endangered profitable French trade with coastal Indians.

In reality, the migration of the natives accorded with imperial policy because it gathered Indians nearer Quebec. While Jesuits labored in the east, they had also begun to expand the French presence into the Great Lakes region.

Jesuits established a mission at Sault-Ste. Marie in and the next year founded St. Francis Xavier in Green Bay. After helping to plant the missions in present-day Michigan, Jacques Marquette —75 joined Louis Jolliet — and five others in a search for the direction and mouth of the Mississippi River.

The party traveled in canoes, guided by Miami Indians and warned by Menominees of dangers that lay south. That control was fairly recent: the Illinois descended from Algonquian peoples who had migrated west beginning in the thirteenth century, developing a flexible and powerful society that combined hunting of bison once the animal arrived in the prairies around with agriculture.

Even as native peoples in New France faced epidemics and warfare, the Illinois thrived. Continuing to hunt bison, they raided Siouan-speakers in the west as well as tribes to the south, using captives to augment their own population.

The first, glancing encounters between Illinois and Jesuits left some missionaries confident that the Illinois worldview was rapidly becoming Catholic, or at least something close to Catholic. Marquette approvingly described Indians who honored a cross with animal skins; another priest, Claude Allouez —89 , was pleased to see Illinois burn tobacco at an altar.

Although Jesuits believed them to be incipient Christians, they were instead eager to use any ideas and alliances that might enhance their mastery of their environment. Imperial officials in Quebec were at first unimpressed by Jesuit efforts to gain support for missionary work in the Illinois Valley.

That changed in , when six hundred Iroquois warriors invaded the Illinois country, destroying crops, burning villages, and torturing and killing natives. French observers feared that the Iroquois would soon dominate the region, putting at risk the fur trade and any balance of power between French and English-allied natives.

As a result, the French decided to support the Illinois. In the Illinois country more than had been the case in New France, the methods of empire would conflict with the methods of the Jesuits.

Convinced that the Illinois were already developing a sustainable form of Catholicism, Jesuits had no desire either to force them to live like Frenchmen or to expose natives to the intemperance and corruption they believed French settlers would bring.

Jesuits temporarily won the day. Imperial officials came to see missionaries in the region as essential to the alliance with what was now the demonstrably powerful Illinois people. But Illinois no more wanted to avoid the French entirely than they wanted to become European-style peasants.

By the s, Jesuits had baptized hundreds of Indians in the region yet were increasingly dissatisfied with the state of the missions. Nor had the French in the area submitted themselves readily to either clerical or imperial guidance; a rich fur trader named Michel Accault d.

Late in the century, a new generation of Jesuit priests arrived among the Illinois. Led by Jacques Gravier — , they worked to master the language. Gravier created a dictionary that demonstrates great familiarity with Illinois culture. Gravier recognized that his brethren had overestimated the success of their missionary efforts. But he also saw that some women among the Illinois found in Jesuit teachings an alternative to an unhappy domestic life.

To make matters more difficult, many native women had been brought as captives into the Illinois territory and lived in polygamous marriages that functioned more as labor systems than as affective families.

Jesuits also reported physical violence within these relationships. Jesuit sources should not be taken uncritically, since Jesuits believed a French Catholic social organization and spirituality was superior to what they found among indigenous peoples in the New World. It was, however, a highly placed Illinois woman rather than a captive who provoked a dramatic new phase in Illinois—French relations.

Marie Rouensa c. Marie had become a Catholic, and she resisted the marriage, whether out of mistrust of Accault or a wish to avoid marriage entirely. Her angry father drove her naked from his home, but Gravier supported her. In the end, she offered a compromise: if Accault agreed to live as a Christian and help her and Gravier nurture Catholicism in the region, she would marry him.

Accault agreed. The influence of Marie Accault and her husband enhanced the ability of Jesuits to evangelize. The alliances worked differently in the patrilocal and patrilineal society of the Illinois than they did in New France.

Marriages between Indian women and French men many of whom had practiced an attenuated Catholicism at most seemed to foster Christian observance in both husband and wife. So Jesuits believed they should be promoted. While Jesuits labored in the west, imperial conflict in the east continued. English settlers moved into the Kennebec Valley, built trading posts, and offered the Indians Protestant missionaries; the Jesuit Racle and the Abenaki returned to Norridgewock.

Racle also distributed gifts, guns, and ammunition among the Indians and organized conferences among tribes. His tactics and insistence that the Abenaki would not be driven from Norridgewock made Racle a villain to New Englanders, the kind of secretive, powerful Jesuit who loomed large in the Anglo-American imagination. In the winter of , the General Council of Massachusetts authorized a mission to capture him.

Scores of militiamen paddled up the Kennebec to Norridgewock. Failing to find Racle, they satisfied themselves with ransacking his cabin and destroying his food stores; the party also brought back to Boston a strongbox containing letters revealing that the Jesuit had indeed become a useful partner to French civil and military authorities. Two years later, after continued hostilities between the Abenaki and English, two hundred Englishmen, along with a small group of Mohawks, returned to Norridgewock, where they killed and scalped the wife of an Abenaki sachem , or leader.

Encountering Racle inside his cabin, a New Englander shot the Jesuit dead. The official statement of the man who did the deed was that Racle was reloading a weapon and preparing to fire.

Whatever the truth, Racle was scalped, and his scalp and that of the Abenaki dead were brought back to Boston and displayed.

French Jesuits continued to labor in the Illinois country, which developed as it had begun: distinctively. In , French officials made Illinois part of the Louisiana colony.

Intermarriage of French settlers and natives, which was formally although not effectively banned in Louisiana, was at first allowed to continue. But there were many—and in some cases wealthy—intermarried families in the region, and Frenchmen were already acting informally to limit the ability of Indian widows to make their own decisions about property.

The people of the region largely ignored formal imperial directives over marriage and race, even as European settlers created a racial hierarchy with themselves at its apex. The French were also losing influence more generally: the Illinois proved increasingly eager to work with British traders and even directly with British officials.

Charlevoix had first been sent to North America shortly after his ordination, arriving in Quebec in and spending three years teaching students in the company of other missionaries. Charlevoix returned to France, completed his formation, and wrote an ambitious, three-volume account of Jesuit missionaries in Japan. In , Charlevoix was asked to recommend boundaries for Acadia, still in dispute after the Treaty of Utrecht.

The next year, he returned to New France and embarked on a journey that first took him westward to the Great Lakes, then southward along the Illinois River to the Mississippi. This was not only a story of Jesuit suffering, however. The Society actively participated in an increasingly powerful part of the North American economy: plantation slavery.

Jesuits held people in bondage in French Louisiana from the early years of their presence. Labor expropriated from enslaved people provided significant resources for the order, implicating it in what contemporary Jesuits of the central and southern province would centuries later consider the original sin of the United States. Comprising Sonora and Sinaloa, the territory also included southern Arizona. These northern reaches of New Spain—the lands arid, the mines poorer than those of South America, the indigenous population smaller—lay at the ragged edges of Spanish empire and interests.

The Jesuits who labored there knew it. Colonization in the region also brought livestock and wheat cultivation. If successfully imposed, those practices would have enriched Spanish coffers by transforming the nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes into sedentary peoples whose labor could be expropriated and whose loyalty commanded.

Missionaries to New Spain unwittingly brought with them diseases that tormented and killed native peoples, as well as livestock that devastated native economies and cultures. As in New France, natives theorized that the priests were in some way responsible for the suffering, while Jesuits dismissed such theories as superstition and rushed to baptize the ill—rendering themselves even more suspect when Indians observed that many of those recently baptized soon died. Some combination of curiosity, desperation, interest, and coercion—the relative importance of each unknowable in any individual or group—brought native bands into the settlements Jesuits established.

Far smaller than the Paraguayan reducciones , these settlements, like those established in New France, were often multiethnic, reflecting the disorder and improvisation wrought by colonization. Throughout northern New Spain, Jesuits also cooperated with encomienda : encomenderos used Indian labor while fulfilling their obligation to provide religious instruction to natives by helping to coerce Indians to remain within the Jesuit settlements.

Jesuits also provided material assistance. Sedentary agriculture disrupted native ecosystems and economies, and then, as the environment changed, offered one of the few paths to survival. Missionaries did not recognize their role in creating economic dependence, but they understood that their offerings of seeds and cattle were essential to their hope of inspiring conversion.

Did Indians convert? What we can glimpse suggests the limited usefulness of the word conversion, with its implication of complete and permanent transformation. Epidemics influenced Indians both to enter and leave mission settlements, and traditional patterns of migration, along with resistance to missionary discipline, raids by other Indian groups, and the hope of better labor conditions elsewhere, all prompted migration as well.

One scholar has argued that the entire period of Jesuit presence in the region comprised contests between Europeans and indigenous people over the meaning and use of land, with few battles ever permanently won. Tapia sailed from Spain to the Indies when still in his twenties and set about learning indigenous languages in order to proselytize.

In , when Tapia was still in his early thirties, he was killed by indigenous people in Sinaloa after demanding that civil authorities whip and tonsure a native cacique for his opposition to Christian teachings.

It is not difficult to understand the roots of this and later rebellions. Imperialism, itself violent, begat violence. There is also less evidence of Jesuits finding congruencies between indigenous beliefs and Catholic ones in northern New Spain than in many other parts of the global missionary field. Such an action seems to have been intended to dominate rather than persuade, and Jesuits also proved willing to enlist military force in support of their efforts to undermine the authority of native religious leaders.

Daily sacrifices were the white martyrdom, understood as a gift to and from God. In , an uprising began during the Easter season. The Jesuit Francisco Javier Saeta d. Saeta wrote to a fellow Jesuit asking for help and explaining that he was forwarding relics for safekeeping. The next day, a group of Indians arrived and killed Saeta along with six indigenous converts.

Harsh Spanish reprisals provoked more native violence, until the region was the site of burned missions and fleeing priests and converts. Scores of indigenous people died in the fighting. The priest to whom Saeta had written his futile letter was a Jesuit named Eusebio Kino — After joining the Society of Jesus, he lived and worked in Bavaria. During nearly a quarter century of missionary work, Kino founded twenty-four missions and explored the region. Kino instead drew on the Jesuit ethos and on the writings of early Christians such as Tertullian c.

He wrote an account of Saeta that is, like the Jesuit Relations , both an argument for continued imperial and Society investment, and an accounting of spiritual and earthly labors. Kino, who seems to have kept a relic from Saeta, portrayed the priest as a protomartyr while being careful not to preempt Roman prerogative in deciding who was worthy of veneration.

But there was a problem. Brethren complained that his travels left him an ineffective, or at best often absent, spiritual guide. Kino also directly incorporated his missionary beliefs into his exploration and map-making, giving settlements the names of saints to accompany, or perhaps to overlay, their native names.

When Kino died in , he had established twenty-four missions, many with agricultural and livestock-raising economies that involved natives in their sustenance; he also left a cartographic legacy that is celebrated to this day. Yet Jesuits continued to labor. German-speaking Jesuits had for years asked to labor in the New World but had been barred from the French and Spanish empires. Once a change in the agreement between the Spanish monarchy and the Society meant that there was no limit to the number of non-Spanish Jesuits who could labor in the empire, many of those in northern New Spain came from provinces of the Germanies, including a number from Bohemia.

One such Jesuit felt pride that a church he had built was a better refuge in times of Apache raids than Spanish-built churches. Jesuits in this latter period of colonization seem not to have achieved any deeper understanding of or respect for the people among whom they labored than had those who came before. In , indigenous peoples again rose up against the combined forces of empire and Christianity.

As the uprising spread, there were attacks on a mission and on Spanish settlements, and close to one hundred settlers were killed. Pima Indians blamed the Jesuits for the rebellion, an excellent strategy given simmering mistrust between imperial officials and the Society. Although English-speaking Jesuits would one day dominate the story of Jesuits in the United States, they form only a small part of the story of the Jesuits in colonial North America.

It was a small and hard-won part: Jesuits working in the French and Spanish empires faced endless challenges but at least shared with imperial officials the goal of spreading the Catholic faith.

Not so, of course, in the English and after British endeavors. English monarchs after Mary —58, r. Jesuits provided English Catholics with intellectual leaders and clandestine pastors. The story began in , when the Jesuits Edmund Campion —81 and Robert Persons — , determined to reanimate an English Catholicism they found increasingly hollow, entered the country clandestinely. The distinction did not impress Elizabeth, and once captured Campion was tortured and killed.

Persons fled the country and established a school for the training of English Jesuits in France, called St. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English Jesuits lived and worked in France, Italy, the Spanish Netherlands, and Rome itself.

Jesuits both at home and abroad were accused of involvement in the Gunpowder Plot and the popish plot, and the brief ascension to influence of the Jesuit Sir Edward Petre —99 , during the reign of James II —, r. Throughout the British Atlantic, Jesuits in fact represented what the English most feared from the Catholic Church and from the post-Reformation world of religious competition. Catholics in England who were content to live within the confines of the Elizabethan settlement heatedly condemned Jesuits for advocating the overthrow of the Anglican monarchy.

By the early seventeenth century, the Catholic community in England was concentrated in particular areas of seven northern counties. Most Catholics were farmers, tradespeople, and laborers, but a small group of Catholic gentry was enormously important to the persistence of the religion.

On their estates, this lay elite protected and often provisioned clergy, including Jesuits, while also providing the discrete spaces in which priests offered Mass and the sacraments. Some of those Catholic gentry also sent sons abroad to study St. The number of Jesuits in the country grew despite constraints on Catholic worship, and in , when a Jesuit province was established in England, there were over one hundred members of the Society on the island.

While they labored to keep Catholicism alive at home, English Jesuits also grew interested in evangelizing the New World, as their continental brethren were doing. In , Persons was sufficiently moved by the thought of evangelizing indigenous communities to offer to look for help in Rome, should the plan appear to have backing in England or Spain.

The crucial support in fact came from a different source: George Calvert, the First Lord Baltimore c. Calvert had been raised Catholic, adopted Anglicanism as an adolescent, then reclaimed his original faith in his forties.

After investing in both the Virginia Company and the East India Company, he obtained a royal charter for a Newfoundland province he called Avalon. Calvert wanted coreligionists and priests to be part of the colony, and he traveled to Newfoundland himself in As he contemplated his proposed colony, Calvert began a correspondence with a Jesuit known as Andrew White — Having cooperated with Jesuits in a successful effort to remove a bishop Rome tried to establish in England, Calvert was willing again to work with the order.

Calvert died in , still in his early fifties. Gentry would govern the colony, pay to transport a servant workforce, and, as in the northern counties of England, also provide the setting for a Catholicism that flourished within gentry houses rather than in public spaces. Jesuit migrants to the colony were not given the privileges and immunities of clergy. Instead, they traveled as Englishmen, entitled to own property individually rather than corporately and expected to use the proceeds from that property to fund their mission.

This approach got around the Statutes of Mortmain and , which prohibited corporations, including religious bodies, from acquiring land. It also reduced the power of the Catholic Church in the colony, a fact that both protected Baltimore against anti-papist sentiment and diminished the potential for Jesuits to become a rival source of authority.

In the absence of state support, Jesuits relied on enslaved labor, along with donations from the faithful many of whom were also slaveholders for resources. The first documentary proof of slaveholding among Jesuits dates to , but it is probable that it began considerably earlier, with Jesuits perhaps reluctant to keep a careful record of possessions for fear of confiscation. It was their largest single investment.

In , the Ark and the Dove arrived on St. The ships bore over two hundred colonists, including three Jesuits. The priests celebrated Mass and erected a cross on arrival. In the end, she offered a compromise: if Accault agreed to live as a Christian and help her and Gravier nurture Catholicism in the region, she would marry him.

Accault agreed. The influence of Marie Accault and her husband enhanced the ability of Jesuits to evangelize. The alliances worked differently in the patrilocal and patrilineal society of the Illinois than they did in New France.

Marriages between Indian women and French men many of whom had practiced an attenuated Catholicism at most seemed to foster Christian observance in both husband and wife. So Jesuits believed they should be promoted. While Jesuits labored in the west, imperial conflict in the east continued. English settlers moved into the Kennebec Valley, built trading posts, and offered the Indians Protestant missionaries; the Jesuit Racle and the Abenaki returned to Norridgewock.

Racle also distributed gifts, guns, and ammunition among the Indians and organized conferences among tribes. His tactics and insistence that the Abenaki would not be driven from Norridgewock made Racle a villain to New Englanders, the kind of secretive, powerful Jesuit who loomed large in the Anglo-American imagination. In the winter of , the General Council of Massachusetts authorized a mission to capture him. Scores of militiamen paddled up the Kennebec to Norridgewock. Failing to find Racle, they satisfied themselves with ransacking his cabin and destroying his food stores; the party also brought back to Boston a strongbox containing letters revealing that the Jesuit had indeed become a useful partner to French civil and military authorities.

Two years later, after continued hostilities between the Abenaki and English, two hundred Englishmen, along with a small group of Mohawks, returned to Norridgewock, where they killed and scalped the wife of an Abenaki sachem , or leader. Encountering Racle inside his cabin, a New Englander shot the Jesuit dead. The official statement of the man who did the deed was that Racle was reloading a weapon and preparing to fire.

Whatever the truth, Racle was scalped, and his scalp and that of the Abenaki dead were brought back to Boston and displayed. French Jesuits continued to labor in the Illinois country, which developed as it had begun: distinctively.

In , French officials made Illinois part of the Louisiana colony. Intermarriage of French settlers and natives, which was formally although not effectively banned in Louisiana, was at first allowed to continue. But there were many—and in some cases wealthy—intermarried families in the region, and Frenchmen were already acting informally to limit the ability of Indian widows to make their own decisions about property.

The people of the region largely ignored formal imperial directives over marriage and race, even as European settlers created a racial hierarchy with themselves at its apex.

The French were also losing influence more generally: the Illinois proved increasingly eager to work with British traders and even directly with British officials. Charlevoix had first been sent to North America shortly after his ordination, arriving in Quebec in and spending three years teaching students in the company of other missionaries.

Charlevoix returned to France, completed his formation, and wrote an ambitious, three-volume account of Jesuit missionaries in Japan. In , Charlevoix was asked to recommend boundaries for Acadia, still in dispute after the Treaty of Utrecht. The next year, he returned to New France and embarked on a journey that first took him westward to the Great Lakes, then southward along the Illinois River to the Mississippi. This was not only a story of Jesuit suffering, however.

The Society actively participated in an increasingly powerful part of the North American economy: plantation slavery. Jesuits held people in bondage in French Louisiana from the early years of their presence. Labor expropriated from enslaved people provided significant resources for the order, implicating it in what contemporary Jesuits of the central and southern province would centuries later consider the original sin of the United States.

Comprising Sonora and Sinaloa, the territory also included southern Arizona. These northern reaches of New Spain—the lands arid, the mines poorer than those of South America, the indigenous population smaller—lay at the ragged edges of Spanish empire and interests. The Jesuits who labored there knew it. Colonization in the region also brought livestock and wheat cultivation. If successfully imposed, those practices would have enriched Spanish coffers by transforming the nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes into sedentary peoples whose labor could be expropriated and whose loyalty commanded.

Missionaries to New Spain unwittingly brought with them diseases that tormented and killed native peoples, as well as livestock that devastated native economies and cultures. As in New France, natives theorized that the priests were in some way responsible for the suffering, while Jesuits dismissed such theories as superstition and rushed to baptize the ill—rendering themselves even more suspect when Indians observed that many of those recently baptized soon died.

Some combination of curiosity, desperation, interest, and coercion—the relative importance of each unknowable in any individual or group—brought native bands into the settlements Jesuits established. Far smaller than the Paraguayan reducciones , these settlements, like those established in New France, were often multiethnic, reflecting the disorder and improvisation wrought by colonization. Throughout northern New Spain, Jesuits also cooperated with encomienda : encomenderos used Indian labor while fulfilling their obligation to provide religious instruction to natives by helping to coerce Indians to remain within the Jesuit settlements.

Jesuits also provided material assistance. Sedentary agriculture disrupted native ecosystems and economies, and then, as the environment changed, offered one of the few paths to survival. Missionaries did not recognize their role in creating economic dependence, but they understood that their offerings of seeds and cattle were essential to their hope of inspiring conversion. Did Indians convert?

What we can glimpse suggests the limited usefulness of the word conversion, with its implication of complete and permanent transformation. Epidemics influenced Indians both to enter and leave mission settlements, and traditional patterns of migration, along with resistance to missionary discipline, raids by other Indian groups, and the hope of better labor conditions elsewhere, all prompted migration as well.

One scholar has argued that the entire period of Jesuit presence in the region comprised contests between Europeans and indigenous people over the meaning and use of land, with few battles ever permanently won. Tapia sailed from Spain to the Indies when still in his twenties and set about learning indigenous languages in order to proselytize.

In , when Tapia was still in his early thirties, he was killed by indigenous people in Sinaloa after demanding that civil authorities whip and tonsure a native cacique for his opposition to Christian teachings. It is not difficult to understand the roots of this and later rebellions. Imperialism, itself violent, begat violence.

There is also less evidence of Jesuits finding congruencies between indigenous beliefs and Catholic ones in northern New Spain than in many other parts of the global missionary field. Such an action seems to have been intended to dominate rather than persuade, and Jesuits also proved willing to enlist military force in support of their efforts to undermine the authority of native religious leaders.

Daily sacrifices were the white martyrdom, understood as a gift to and from God. In , an uprising began during the Easter season. The Jesuit Francisco Javier Saeta d.

Saeta wrote to a fellow Jesuit asking for help and explaining that he was forwarding relics for safekeeping. The next day, a group of Indians arrived and killed Saeta along with six indigenous converts. Harsh Spanish reprisals provoked more native violence, until the region was the site of burned missions and fleeing priests and converts.

Scores of indigenous people died in the fighting. The priest to whom Saeta had written his futile letter was a Jesuit named Eusebio Kino — After joining the Society of Jesus, he lived and worked in Bavaria. During nearly a quarter century of missionary work, Kino founded twenty-four missions and explored the region.

Kino instead drew on the Jesuit ethos and on the writings of early Christians such as Tertullian c. He wrote an account of Saeta that is, like the Jesuit Relations , both an argument for continued imperial and Society investment, and an accounting of spiritual and earthly labors.

Kino, who seems to have kept a relic from Saeta, portrayed the priest as a protomartyr while being careful not to preempt Roman prerogative in deciding who was worthy of veneration. But there was a problem. Brethren complained that his travels left him an ineffective, or at best often absent, spiritual guide.

Kino also directly incorporated his missionary beliefs into his exploration and map-making, giving settlements the names of saints to accompany, or perhaps to overlay, their native names.

When Kino died in , he had established twenty-four missions, many with agricultural and livestock-raising economies that involved natives in their sustenance; he also left a cartographic legacy that is celebrated to this day. Yet Jesuits continued to labor. German-speaking Jesuits had for years asked to labor in the New World but had been barred from the French and Spanish empires.

Once a change in the agreement between the Spanish monarchy and the Society meant that there was no limit to the number of non-Spanish Jesuits who could labor in the empire, many of those in northern New Spain came from provinces of the Germanies, including a number from Bohemia.

One such Jesuit felt pride that a church he had built was a better refuge in times of Apache raids than Spanish-built churches. Jesuits in this latter period of colonization seem not to have achieved any deeper understanding of or respect for the people among whom they labored than had those who came before. In , indigenous peoples again rose up against the combined forces of empire and Christianity.

As the uprising spread, there were attacks on a mission and on Spanish settlements, and close to one hundred settlers were killed. Pima Indians blamed the Jesuits for the rebellion, an excellent strategy given simmering mistrust between imperial officials and the Society.

Although English-speaking Jesuits would one day dominate the story of Jesuits in the United States, they form only a small part of the story of the Jesuits in colonial North America. It was a small and hard-won part: Jesuits working in the French and Spanish empires faced endless challenges but at least shared with imperial officials the goal of spreading the Catholic faith. Not so, of course, in the English and after British endeavors.

English monarchs after Mary —58, r. Jesuits provided English Catholics with intellectual leaders and clandestine pastors. The story began in , when the Jesuits Edmund Campion —81 and Robert Persons — , determined to reanimate an English Catholicism they found increasingly hollow, entered the country clandestinely. The distinction did not impress Elizabeth, and once captured Campion was tortured and killed.

Persons fled the country and established a school for the training of English Jesuits in France, called St. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English Jesuits lived and worked in France, Italy, the Spanish Netherlands, and Rome itself. Jesuits both at home and abroad were accused of involvement in the Gunpowder Plot and the popish plot, and the brief ascension to influence of the Jesuit Sir Edward Petre —99 , during the reign of James II —, r.

Throughout the British Atlantic, Jesuits in fact represented what the English most feared from the Catholic Church and from the post-Reformation world of religious competition. Catholics in England who were content to live within the confines of the Elizabethan settlement heatedly condemned Jesuits for advocating the overthrow of the Anglican monarchy. By the early seventeenth century, the Catholic community in England was concentrated in particular areas of seven northern counties.

Most Catholics were farmers, tradespeople, and laborers, but a small group of Catholic gentry was enormously important to the persistence of the religion. On their estates, this lay elite protected and often provisioned clergy, including Jesuits, while also providing the discrete spaces in which priests offered Mass and the sacraments.

Some of those Catholic gentry also sent sons abroad to study St. The number of Jesuits in the country grew despite constraints on Catholic worship, and in , when a Jesuit province was established in England, there were over one hundred members of the Society on the island. While they labored to keep Catholicism alive at home, English Jesuits also grew interested in evangelizing the New World, as their continental brethren were doing. In , Persons was sufficiently moved by the thought of evangelizing indigenous communities to offer to look for help in Rome, should the plan appear to have backing in England or Spain.

The crucial support in fact came from a different source: George Calvert, the First Lord Baltimore c. Calvert had been raised Catholic, adopted Anglicanism as an adolescent, then reclaimed his original faith in his forties. After investing in both the Virginia Company and the East India Company, he obtained a royal charter for a Newfoundland province he called Avalon. Calvert wanted coreligionists and priests to be part of the colony, and he traveled to Newfoundland himself in As he contemplated his proposed colony, Calvert began a correspondence with a Jesuit known as Andrew White — Having cooperated with Jesuits in a successful effort to remove a bishop Rome tried to establish in England, Calvert was willing again to work with the order.

Calvert died in , still in his early fifties. Gentry would govern the colony, pay to transport a servant workforce, and, as in the northern counties of England, also provide the setting for a Catholicism that flourished within gentry houses rather than in public spaces. Jesuit migrants to the colony were not given the privileges and immunities of clergy. Instead, they traveled as Englishmen, entitled to own property individually rather than corporately and expected to use the proceeds from that property to fund their mission.

This approach got around the Statutes of Mortmain and , which prohibited corporations, including religious bodies, from acquiring land. It also reduced the power of the Catholic Church in the colony, a fact that both protected Baltimore against anti-papist sentiment and diminished the potential for Jesuits to become a rival source of authority. In the absence of state support, Jesuits relied on enslaved labor, along with donations from the faithful many of whom were also slaveholders for resources.

The first documentary proof of slaveholding among Jesuits dates to , but it is probable that it began considerably earlier, with Jesuits perhaps reluctant to keep a careful record of possessions for fear of confiscation. It was their largest single investment. In , the Ark and the Dove arrived on St. The ships bore over two hundred colonists, including three Jesuits.

The priests celebrated Mass and erected a cross on arrival. Yet from that first day on St. For the next eighty years, Jesuits acquired new parcels under the headright system, as well as through purchase and legacies; they were also given land by Patuxent Indians. Fertile land made the colony viable, but Maryland developed in a way different than the Lords Baltimore had imagined.

Servants survived their indenture and were able to earn enough money in wages to purchase land, tools, and, in the early years, servants. White did help the Yaocomico tribe negotiate reasonably favorable trade treaties with settlers. Although Lord Baltimore pulled back from a tentative decision to ban Jesuit migration to Maryland, Jesuits lost their influence within the government and, as a result, lost value to natives as an ally.

In , the chief of the Piscataway tribe converted to Christianity; later, so did an elite young woman within the Patuxent tribe. In the s, events across the Atlantic roiled the fledgling colony. Eight Jesuits were captured, with three of those left to their apparent deaths in territory controlled by hostile indigenous peoples; the others were returned to England.

Jesuit properties were burnt, as were properties owned by lay Catholics. White was sent in chains to England. Freed but not allowed to return to Maryland, White died in England in They largely withdrew from work among native Americans. After Lord Baltimore regained control of the colony, he sought to establish it on firmer ground.

Anyone who did not acknowledge the divinity of Jesus Christ could in theory be put to death. Repealed in —after yet another brief changing of hands of the colony, this one following the execution of Charles I —49, r.

By , following decades of tumult, Maryland still had fewer than three thousand settlers. Some had left for Virginia in search of peace and prosperity. The next thirty years brought dramatic change. Immigration rose sharply, with Maryland thought to offer the possibility of landownership and advancement for people of middling means. By , the settler population was around twenty-five thousand. Many of the newcomers were Protestants and a growing percentage of them came in families rather than as single men.

Franciscans joined the Jesuits in the colony. As the colony grew, Lord Baltimore created St. The Jesuit mission was also growing and changing. Jesuits ran a school in St. The second half of the seventeenth century also saw a short-lived Jesuit mission in New Jersey and another in New York, where Catholic settlers enjoyed religious toleration though Catholics worshipped privately during the proprietorship of the duke of York.

As Maryland grew, more freeholders and indentured servants arrived, shifting the demographics of Catholicism in the colony away from the gentry. Jesuits sought and received permission to lessen the number of fast day and feast day requirements; tobacco workers were in some cases specifically absolved of obligations, a privilege that applied during harvesting months.

In , the Glorious Revolution put William and Mary on the throne. The resulting tangle of alliances and animosities helped to precipitate over two decades of imperial warfare. Maryland came under the direct rule of the crown. Worried Catholics enlisted the Spanish ambassador to the English court to petition the crown to protect them, reporting that chapels were being razed and priests driven from the colonies.

The petition may have exaggerated the threat in order to bolster the chances of Spanish pressure on William. Despite such measures, the Catholic community seems to have remained influential and capable of worshipping publicly for nearly a decade. Jesuits numbered eleven in and were in fact expanding their work into the Eastern Shore. William assured the Spanish ambassador that Catholics would be allowed to practice their religion throughout the empire Spain was an important ally against France and the great brick chapel was soon reopened.

In fact, so unabashed were Jesuits that Protestants complained they were openly proselytizing, an act that constituted treason under British penal laws. The era in which Catholicism openly flourished was over. A act banned public Catholic worship in the colony once meant as a refuge for the faith.

Jesuit manors served as locations for Mass; services were held twice per month, if not more often, and Jesuits also offered meals, beds, and catechism to those who came. Characteristically, Jesuits described the restrictions they now faced in Maryland as a useful trial that would heighten their devotion to God. Jesuits also, as they so often had before, established new missions, beginning to labor in Pennsylvania during the first decades of the eighteenth century.

In , Joseph Greaton — became the first Jesuit assigned to Pennsylvania, and four years later he oversaw the building of a chapel, St. In , the English province used recently received legacies to finance the assignment of Theodore Schneider —64 and William Wappeler dates uncertain to the colony, and seven German-speaking Jesuits followed.

By , St. Back in Maryland, Jesuits and the colony as a whole were becoming increasingly dependent on enslaved labor. As tobacco became less profitable, it was more difficult to attract indentured servants, and that development coincided with a drop in the price of enslaved people, making purchasing a lifetime of labor a grotesquely desirable proposition. By , so many people had been imported that one-fifth of the population of the colony was enslaved.

Catholics constituted less than ten percent of the population in the first decades of the eighteenth century, and the majority of those owned no property, with many being tenant farmers. Charles Carroll of Carrollton — owned hundreds of people, and the Society of Jesus over one hundred.

What was life like for those enslaved by Jesuits? Catholic slave-owners may have been more likely than Protestant slave-owners to expose those they enslaved to their faith; one Jesuit, Joseph Mosely —87 , included more than two dozen enslaved people in his accounting of people he believed he had brought to Catholicism.

Records suggest enslaved people sometimes comprised the majority of the congregation. Jesuits believed themselves to be gentler slave-owners than other Marylanders, and there is some evidence that Jesuits hesitated to separate members of enslaved families through sale. Yet, there is also incontestable evidence that Jesuits harshly punished enslaved people. They sought, even if they did not always succeed, to extract sufficient labor from them to render plantations self-sufficient if not profitable.

And enslavement is an absolute condition, whatever small kindnesses may be bestowed. Yet, Jesuits imagined their ownership of slaves as itself a cross to bear.

Then around came an unexpected development: Benedict Calvert, the future Fourth Lord Baltimore — , converted to Anglicism. By doing so, he gained considerable influence at court and, after assuming his title, was granted a renewed proprietorship. Catholic efforts to plead their case with the new proprietor failed resoundingly.

In , the Maryland Assembly stripped Catholics of the franchise. Because British officials were determined that the colony be harmonious and profitable, they did not pursue all of the aggressive anti-Catholic policies that some Protestants urged. Yet their rights within the polity were severely constrained and their status felt precarious. In , a conflict broke out that transformed North America. Like so many other conflicts of the era, the French and Indian War —63 was both intensely local and profoundly global.

Jesuits fled the capital for refuge in a Huron mission. In , a proposal to tax Catholics doubly in order to support the war was passed and, despite assertive Catholic appeals, signed by the governor and proprietor. In , the garrison at Montreal surrendered. When the war ended in , Great Britain had acquired all French territory east of the Mississippi River. But Jesuit missions faced a threat that would prove more devastating than British guns. Mistrust of the Jesuits—an organized, multilingual band of priests loyal to the pope and inclined to define what that loyalty required by the light of their own judgment—was long-standing.

That mistrust was evident not only among non-Catholics but also among other Catholic orders and members of the episcopate.

Spanish possessions in the Americas had long been an important source of tension in the relationship between crowns and the Society. Philip II —98, r. Once they did begin missions in the colonies, Jesuits engaged in endless disputes over monies owed to the church, harming relations with prelates. As a minister to the king in the early s, Pombal saw Jesuit missions in the Amazon as a threat to Portuguese frontier expansion.

The Jesuits, Pombal concluded with some evidence , were agents of the Spanish Empire. He was strangled, his body burned, and his ashes thrown into the Tagus.

It was just the beginning. Jesuits in Spanish and French territories were accused of serving foreign powers—or themselves—rather than the empires in which they worked. In France, the Jesuits ran afoul of Madame de Pompadour —64 and also faced the pressures of bankruptcy; the superior of the French mission in Martinique as well as the missions in Central and South America had borrowed heavily in an effort to wring money from plantations, then suffered the loss of twelve of thirteen ships laden with produce for sale.

In the early s, parlements throughout France banned the Society. Two years later, twelve Jesuits in the vast territory of Louisiana learned that their schools would be closed, their vows voided, their cassocks cast aside, and their property sold.

The priests—with the exception of one older Jesuit with no relatives in France—returned to Europe. Such had been the changes wrought over the course of the century that the British government was now less vexed by the Jesuits than were the Catholic Bourbon monarchs.

The Society was never suppressed in Canada, but the last Jesuit died in , tended by Ursulines. Charles III of Spain —88, r. Thirty-one Jesuits were brought painfully to the coast and kept under guard for nine months under grueling conditions. At last sent to Europe, some faced continued imprisonment. The priests themselves dissolved their community in a final act of collective obedience and waited to see what would happen next. John Carroll had left Maryland while still an adolescent, studying first at St.

He taught theology and philosophy and took final vows as a Jesuit in Yet he remained faithful to the Catholic Church, and in , he sailed to Maryland a reluctant secular priest. Having long practiced their faith in a distinctive and largely self-sufficient way, and having long blamed Britain for the civil restrictions they faced, Catholic Marylanders did not fear a break with England. Instead, they hoped independence would bring full inclusion in the polity and economy.

He arrived in time to sign the declaration in early August. Carroll was the only Catholic to achieve that distinction. Most were of German descent, and historians believe that the greater part were either loyal to the crown or neutral. A significant number of Irish Catholics were loyal as well and formed the majority of those who joined the Roman Catholic Volunteers, organized by an Anglo-Irish Catholic named Alfred Clifton dates unknown in service of the British cause.

In the colonies as a whole, Catholics were understood to have served the patriot cause in equal or greater proportion to Protestant colonists.

The revolution also found a Catholic monarch aiding colonists in the struggle against their Protestant king. As would be the case in American wars to come, Catholics felt they had proved their loyalty through their service, and they did enjoy expanded civil liberties during the revolutionary and early national eras.

It is true that Catholics continued to be banned from holding office, and in some states, test oaths persisted into the national era. Nonetheless, the new nation held out the promise of full inclusion in the polity. The select body was designed to be representative in nature and practical in its duties, meant to carry Jesuit charism and property through to a hoped for restoration.

The organization neatly melded American respect for the importance of property with the institution of slaveholding, which turned people into property: it drew most of its revenues from plantations. Even as the former Jesuits sought to preserve their corporate identity, John Carroll devoted himself to convincing Rome to create an American See. He believed the country urgently needed a bishop who could build a church suited to American circumstances while concordant with Catholic doctrine.

That person, Carroll and his fellow former Jesuits agreed, should be John Carroll himself. As he worked to summon a see into existence, Carroll sought to convince his countrymen that Catholicism was simply another form of Christianity, one that entailed no unpatriotic loyalties and demanded no authority over non-Catholics. At the same time, he turned anti-popery to his advantage, reminding Roman authorities that the imposition of an inappropriate bishop—or even a refusal to use the kind of collaborative process in selecting the first bishop that Carroll recommended—might rouse the dangerous prejudice that Anglo-American culture had long harbored.

The nascent church needed clergy who could work within its distinctive circumstances and with its distinctive people. Protestants as well as Catholics were welcome; Carroll did not believe an exclusively Catholic school necessary to the spiritual health of Catholic children and in fact believed that self-segregation courted mistrust. Carroll also believed that women religious were essential to the growth of the church, particularly given the low numbers of clergy and the ignorance of many American Catholics about their faith.

But it was an unease that brought no action. Immigrant Sulpicians quickly established St. One, William Dubourg — , briefly led Georgetown. The first decade of the nineteenth century found Carroll working with Sulpicians, former Jesuits, other immigrant and newly ordained priests, laity, and women religious as he sought to plant a viable Catholicism in the new nation. Carroll remained hopeful that the Society would be restored and convinced that the Jesuit order as he had known it was a true servant of the church.

But he doubted that the aging men vying for control of property truly upheld Jesuit tradition, and he developed an exacting view of what restoration must look like. In his view, the Jesuit order could only be brought back into existence in the same way it had been suppressed: by direct command of the Holy See. When others contemplated alliance with fragments of the order that had escaped suppression, such as the Society in Russia which had been protected by Catherine the Great [—96, r.

Not only did he consider a papal directive necessary according to canon law, but he also was increasingly wary of hitching the Society to political authority, no matter how benevolent it might at the moment seem. The specter of revolutionary France did not make Carroll eager for the protection of a monarch such as Catherine. Not everyone agreed. In the last decade of the eighteenth century, former Jesuits in England and the United States considered joining the Russian Society.

Others followed the emergence of small European groups claiming to be the bearers of Jesuit tradition. The Company of the Faith of Jesus, founded in Italy by a young man named Nicholas Paccanari — , attracted admiration and allegiance from English and European ex-Jesuits attracted to his charismatic faith and desperate for community.

When ex-Jesuits in the United States met to discuss joining the Paccanarists, they did not invite Carroll to the meeting. Carroll served on it until his death, yet never found a way to realign the interests of ex-Jesuits and church. This was the kind of direct statement Carroll had waited for, and he sought permission of the Russian superior general, Gabriel Gruber —, in office —5 , for American ex-Jesuits to join. Carroll himself did not join and neither did his coadjutor, Leonard Neale — Five other former Jesuits did.

Carroll increasingly seemed to think the legacy of the Society lay in an internalized ethos that might serve the church as a whole, rather than in the resource-hungry group associated with the Russian order.

After years of serving as pastor and prelate, Carroll—approaching eighty years old—wearied. Then, in , astonishing news arrived. He died in , the reanimation of the Society in the United States falling to others. At the time of the restoration, fewer than thirty Jesuits lived in the United States.

Some were survivors of the original order, others novices or members of the Russian order. Some belonged to the corporation in Maryland; others belonged only to the Society of Jesus. Conflicts over governance, over property—as just one example, archbishops battled for twenty years with the restored Jesuits over whether the Jesuits would reinstate an annual stipend granted to Carroll and his immediate successor—and over how to reanimate the Society were inevitable. That second vision was borne by immigrant Jesuits, their presence in the United States a testament to the global challenges the order faced.

As it grew, the Society provoked renewed hostility from governments, Protestants, and some faithful Catholics. During the nineteenth century, the Society would be expelled from every Catholic European country save Belgium, and from many Latin American countries, as well. Jesuits were shaped but not daunted by the opposition they faced. Some seemed to revel in it. As the United States pressed westward, opening opportunities for settlers and disrupting native cultures, Jesuits were there.

Throughout the nineteenth century, members of the restored Society, not least in the United States, came to interpret their vow to defend the papacy as a call to protect the church against modernity and against change itself.

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