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David Thompson, personal communication, has maintained a tradition of Archaeological Society of Connecticut field research in the Western Uplands, reporting six dates from the region. In addition, Hoffman has recently published a list of dates for steatite and early ceramics from New England. The tourist might seek far and wide, rollway, for a landscape rivaling this. The prevailing elements amongst them were Catholic and Orange Irish.


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However, the dates for the pond also bracket a drying episode recorded in the oxidized sediments during that millennium. At Bull Brook, water shield, naiads and twig-rush seeds, along with stonewort algae strengthen the rising water level hypothesis for the beginning of the Holocene.

Based on the pollen record, spruce, larch, and fir were replaced by white pine, birch, beech, and oaks in the Northeast Gaudreau ; Peteet et al. Plant macrofossils from cores and archaeological sites show that white pine, yellow and gray birch, and oak increased dramatically, and were quickly accompanied by a suite of temperate deciduous trees McWeeney ; Maenza-Gmelch Breaks in sedimentation and oxidation provide some of the clues that wetlands shrank and water levels dropped throughout the New England area Davis ; Jacobson et al.

Lower water levels have also been inferred from sedimentary hiatuses, sediment accumulation rates Newby nd , plus diatoms and sponge spicule identification from Pequot Cedar Swamp in southern New England McWeeney b. Oxidized, cemented, orange sediments, just below the water lily seeds AMS dated to 8, yrs BP at Pequot Cedar Swamp, suggest a period of extreme drying and possibly fire McWeeney Similar sediments are reported for Bull Brook McWeeney Transposing the dates to I sigma standard deviation, the drying period appears to occur sometime between 9, to 8, yrs BP In coastal Maine, Kellogg identified algal cysts suggesting shallow, stagnant water during the APine period at Ross Pond.

The abundant pine pollen may reflect colonization of the newly exposed, dried out shorelines by the white pine trees. In the White Mountains, white pine and hemlock grew beyond their modern tree line suggesting higher temperatures and a decrease in precipitation at 9, yrs BP Davis et al. While modern investigations frequently revise older research, these dates support Deevey and Flint’s time for initiation of the Hypsithermal period at 9, yrs BP.

Bryson et al. After 8, BP plants such as alder, sweet gale, elderberry, leatherleaf, rhododendron and brambles indicate shrub swamp conditions at Pequot Swamp McWeeney Gray birch and white pine trees provide a backdrop of pioneering species colonizing open spaces.

On the deeper, east side of the basin sedges, cattails, and twig-rush depict the initiation of marsh conditions. The shrub swamp transition also occurred at Bull Brook, Massachusetts, with scant evidence preserved from willow and leatherleaf, as well as gray birch McWeeney , an indicator of sterile, dry or wet soil Fernald The archaeological charcoal assemblages may not reflect the entire floral assemblage because of human selection and preservation issues.

However the charred remains provide an opportunity to see some of what was locally available during the millennium. Oak, aspen, and white pine trees provided some of the fuel wood at the Templeton site in Washington, Connecticut McWeeney White oak and white pine were abundant, as well, in the charcoal remains from an Early Archaic context at the Dill Farm site in southeastern Connecticut L.

McWeeney, personal research ; walnut and hazelnut shells were also identified Pfeiffer I. Red and white oak, ash, maple, hornbeam and white pine were identified from the Early Archaic Johnsen 3 site in upstate New York Funk ; McWeeney Based on the pollen, white pine has long been acknowledged as a component of the early Holocene forests; however, the charcoal from archaeological sites provides a more diverse picture of the deciduous trees also growing in southern New England at that time.

Dahl-Jensen el al. However, as in previous eras, the pattern was not static. According to Deevey and Flint , glaciers re-advanced in some parts of the globe around 7, BP, with cooling again between 5, and 5, yrs BP. Occasional shifts to cold were interlaced with the warmer temperatures Grove ; higher summer temperatures returned between 5, and 5, yrs BP and again at 4, yrs BP. The GISP2 interpretations place the sharp decline in temperature ca.

However, within a few decades the warming increased around 7, BP and continued until another major cooling event appeared ca. The carbon isotope and oxygen isotope analyses show an earlier drop in temperature, ca. The pollen record provides additional evidence for fluctuating environments, with a predominant image of warming during the middle Holocene. An increase in the amount of ragweed led Margaret Davis to interpret a decline in forest trees in the northeast around 8, years ago.

She described a corollary to the onset of the prairie period reported for the mid-western states Davis The pollen spectra from Pequot Swamp recorded a decline innumerous deciduous trees North American Pollen data- base.

The increase in the ragweed pollen in Connecticut and an increase in oak in Vermont implied a drier climate around 7, yrs BP Davis et al. The presence of hemlock needles m. However, Miller reported that several mesic pollen indicators remained in western New York, although oak and hickory decreased Miller This may record a very local condition since the Prairie period clearly expanded eastward at this time in the Midwest Cushing ; McAndrews For New England, the pollen spectra show a decrease in pollen deposi- tion rates, decline in pollen from forest trees, extension of tree ranges, and an increase in herbaceous plants.

Sediments and plant macrofossils document a drying period for the middle Holocene. A broadly distributed pattern shows an increase in charred organics in swamp cores from New England McWeeney , ; Sneddon ; Winkler , and as far away as Nova Scotia Green All of the cores recovered from Pequot Cedar Swamp contained a charred peat stratum 8 to 15 em thick.

Lightning strikes on desiccated vegeta- tion or human accidents may have caused the widespread fires. However, with the widely distributed geo- graphic pattern, climate appears to be the predominant cause. Dincauze described burial of the Neville component by aeolian sediments which continued to accumulate during the Stark occupation at the Neville site beginning before 7, and ending before 6, yrs BP.

Environmental data recovered from archaeological sites document what was available for human use during the middle Holocene. Regionally, mast trees such as oak, hickory, and chestnut played a significant role in the temperate forests during this interval. Watts concluded that the drier climate from before 8, yrs BP to about 5, yrs BP favored oak tree species. This statement is reinforced by the archaeological assemblages. White pine and oak dominated the fuelwood selection at the Templeton site.

Hickory became part of the oak and pine assemblage for the Middle Archaic period at Dill Farm Pfeiffer OAk, hornbeam, elm, alder, sour gum, and white pine were found in association with the hickory. McWeeney, personal research documents the presence of hickory trees in southern New England region McWeeney thousands of years earlier than estimates based on the pollen Davis , Holly, ifit is flex opaca identified from the 2 Baker site, suggests a northern range extension for that tree during the middle Holocene, and provides another indication of warming.

To date, I have not identified chestnut charcoal from any Connecticut sites older than 2, yrs BP. This lack of evidence concurs with Davis’ pollen interpretation for a delayed migration of chestnut into New England.

McWeeney, personal research. The above mentioned archaeological examples clearly demonstrate contribution of identifying the charcoal for environmental reconstruction purposes. Detailed sediment analyses and AMS dates bracketing changes at every archaeological site would also make an enormous contribution to correlating dry episodes, wind activated intervals, and periods of erosion with settlement patterns.

Not only did temperature and moisture regimes change, but also natural disasters such as fires, storms, volcanic eruptions Zielinski et al. The rise in spruce pollen in New Hampshire around 2, years ago also suggests cooler temperatures Davis et al. Plant macrofossils preserved in the Pequot Cedar Swamp cores McWeeney provide evidence for the appearance of numerous additional deciduous and conifer trees during the late Holocene.

Charcoal from local fires preserved oak, beech, elm, maple, and hickory to provide a picture of the terrestrial environment during the last 5, years. Atlantic white cedar began growing in the swamp during the late Holocene when water level fluctuations became less extreme McWeeney The plant remains from archaeological sites provide critical information for reconstructing the diversity of local prehistoric environments.

The s excavation at the Boylston Street Fishweir Bailey and Barghoom documents native plant selection and use of their environment. Based on the recovered stakes and wattle, 17 different taxa were used to construct the weir, portions of which date to 4, yrs BP Newby and Webb Red oak, beech, sassafras, and alder dominated the assemblage, with occasional use of sycamore, aspen, white oak, dogwood, bayberry, larch, and hemlock. The identifi- cation of larch and aspen presents a quandary, since modem aspen and larch.

Selection of the saplings appears to have been based on availability, not that a specific tree type was favored for stakes. Oak and pine continue as the dominant fuelwood choices into the Terminal Archaic period 3, to 3, yrs BP based on the charcoal identified from the Millbury site in Rhode Island McWeeney Ia. Largy identified charred seeds from the Millbury botanical assemblage that dramatically expand our knowledge of plants growing near the site: ragweed, goosefoot, grasses, purslane, blueberry, huckleberry, brambles, and hickory nuts.

Yet, the Terminal Archaic archaeological assemblage does not provide evidence of climatic cooling that was noted around 3, yrs BP by Deevey and Flint Significant evidence for a rarely recorded return to cold temperatures comes from clay deposits discovered along the Quinnipiac River, north of New Haven. The presence of fir needles provides a strong indicator of cool, moist conditions in Connecticut at that time, possibly refining the date for Deevey and Flint’s “Little Ice Age” around yrs BP.

Charcoal from two trees with a more southerly range has been identified from archaeological features from New Jersey, coastal New York and Connecticut. Sourwood normally grows in Florida and Louisiana and in the Piedmont Zone as far north as Pennsylvania Fernald McWeeney, reports to CRM contractors e. Ceci infers that the presence of sourwood is due to native people bringing the wood to the site as an artifact or for medicinal purposes.

Alternatively, it can be suggested that the presence of sourwood at three regional sites indicate it was growing there, and represents a northern range extension made possible during the global climatic warming period. Black walnut, the second taxa found north of its normal range at the Morgan site, in Rocky Hill Lavin , came from a cultural feature with several deciduous woods such as sycamore and hickory McWeeney I b.

A short distance north, up river, at the Burnham Shepard site Bendremer , similar wood charcoal was identified, including elm, hickory, hornbeam, ash, tupelo, cherry, and butternut. No black walnut was identified. The modem range for black walnut in New England continues to find this taxa restricted to the coastal areas as far north as southern Massachusetts Little These black walnut specimens may be related to intentional planting during the Little Climatic Warming period.

The new climatic conditions allowed their survival in the north; then human cultivation encouraged their continued growth. Significantly, the advent of maize horticulture along the floodplain of the Connecticut River, as evidenced from remains found at the Morgan site and Burnham Shepard did not eradicate the typical floodplain taxa as was found in Tennessee.

In that case, Cridlebaugh noted that a shift to upland taxa became necessary following intense levels of clearing the floodplain for maize agriculture.

It may have been that maize agriculture was successful along the floodplain due to the warming climate and a decrease in spring and fall flooding that threaten crops today. Stratigraphic analyses and sedimentation records remain to be explored to determine if this was the case in southern New England.

Combining climate proxy data from the Greenland ice cores, oxygen isotope studies, pollen and plant macrofossils, as well as the sediments from lakes, ponds and swamps can make increasingly reliable inter- pretations.

The botanical assemblages from cultural features at archaeological sites help refine the local environmental picture, and complement the other available data. Evidence for several global climate changes has been recorded in Connecticut and elsewhere in southern New England, based on lake level changes, sediment anomalies, shifts in pollen accumulation rates, and range extensions for various plant macrofossils. However, we need more details on the sedi- ments from archaeological sites as well as more AMS dating of individual plant remains to further refine the picture of the past.

Any errors are my own. Barghoorn, Jr. Johnson, pp. Philips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts. Bendremer, J. University of Connecticut. Birks, J. Walker, L. Cwynar, S. Johnsen, K. Knudsen, J. Lowe, B. Journal of Quaternary Science 13 4 Brackenridge, G. Thomas, L. Conkey, and J. Bryson, R. Baerreis, and W. Dort, Jr. Knox, Jr. University of Kansas Press. Ceci, L. Clark, G. Geomorphology Cridlebaugh, P. Cushing, E. Wright, Jr.

Frey, pp. Dahl-Jensen, D. Mosegaard, N. Gundestrup, G. Clow, S. Johnsen, A. Hansen, N. Science Davis, M. Ecology University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Spear, and L. Shane Holocene Climate of New England.

Quaternary Research Davis, R. Jacobson, Jr. Deevey, E. Flint Postglacial Hypsithennal Interval. Delcourt, P.

Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology Springer-Verlag, New York. Quaternary Science Reviews 6 2 : Peabody Museum Monographs No. Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Quarterly Review of Archaeology 10 2 : Dorian, C. Fernald, M. Discorides Press, Portland, Oregon. Funk, R. Persimmon Press, Buffalo, New York. Gaudreau, D. Nicholas, pp. Plenum, New York.

Godwin, Sir H. Green, D. Journal of Biogeography Grove, J. Routledge, London and New York. Jackson, S. Jacobson, G. Webb, Ill, and E. K-3 edited by W. Ruddiman and H. Kellogg, D. Unpublished Ph.

Kneller, M. Quaternary Science Review Larabee, P. Largy, T. Lavin, L. Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of Connecticut Little, A. Volume I: Conifers and Important Hardwoods. Publication No. MacDonald, G. Geology Journal of Quaternary Science Submitted to Canadian Journal of Botany Martin, P. American Journal of Science Mayle, F.

Levesque, and L. McAndrews, J. In Quaternary Paleoecology, edited by E. Cushing and H. Yale Press, New Haven. McWeeney, L. Ia Charcoal Identification for the Millbury Site. Report prepared for the Albert Morgan Archaeological Society. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. Appendix D I. Research Report Series No. Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, Virginia. In Coastally Restricted Forests, edited by A. Laderman, pp. Oxford University Press, New York.

Miller, N. Journal of Arnold Arboretum 60 2 : Moeller, R. North American Archaeologist 5 3 Newby, P. In review for Quaternary Research. Quaternary Research 41 North American Pollen Data Base n.

Peteet, D. Daniels, L. Heusser, J. Vogel, J. Southon, and D. Vogel, D. Nelson, J. Southon, R. Nickmann, and L. Journal of Quaternary Science 9 2 : Pfeiffer, J. Rhodora 88 Ridge, J. Besonen, M. Brochu, S.

Brown, J. Callahan, G. Cook, R. Nicholson, N. Thompson, B. Fowler, and P. G’4ographie Physique et Quaternaire 53 1 Robinson, B. Robinson, J. Petersen, and A. Robinson, pp. Occasional Publications in Maine Archaeology No. Sneddon, L. Thesis, University of Massachusetts, Boston.

Spear, R. Davis, and L. Ecological Monographs Stea, R. Boreas Taylor, K. Lamorey, G. Doyle, R. Alley, P. M Grootes, P. Mayewski, J. White, and L. Nature Thorson, R. Geoarchaeology Watts, W. Ecological Monographs 49 4 Porter, pp. Webb, R. Anderson and T. Webb, III. Webb, T.

Bartlein, and J. K 3 edited by W. Geological Society of America, Boulder, Colorado. Whitehead, D. Ecological Monographs 51 4 Yu, Z. McAndrews, U. Zielinski, G. Mayewski, L. Meeker, S. Whitlow, M. Twickler, M. Morrison, D. Meese, A. Gow, R. Alley Record of Volcanism Since B. The Connecticut sample includes dates. Connecticut dates are compared to radiocarbon chronologies from five other Northeastern states New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland and West Virginia and southern Ontario.

Connecticut and other New England states have bi-modal distributions of radiocarbon dates after BP. Maize may not have been as significant to prehistoric subsistence in New England as in the Middle Atlantic region, and Late Woodland population increases were apparently less pronounced in New England. These included only forty-five dates from archaeological sites and five geological dates.

Only three dates were from Connecticut archaeological sites. The first Connecticut dates were two samples submitted by Suggs from the Manakaway site in Greenwich. David Thompson submitted the third Connecticut archaeological date from the Binette site, Naugatuck. In the three decades following Jordan’s early survey, radiocarbon dating became the most frequently utilized method for developing absolute chronologies for prehistoric sites and associated artifacts.

Table I assembles published and unpublished radiocarbon dates from Connecticut archaeological sites. These dates derive from cultural resource management surveys, doctoral studies, museum research files, academic institutions, and investigations by professional and avocational archaeologists.

This list is intended as a research tool for cross-referencing radiocarbon samples, archaeological sites, artifact assemblages, and archaeological reports. However, this paper poses the hypothesis that radiocarbon dates also reflect broader prehistoric cultural processes. Radiocarbon dating is commonly employed by archaeologists to evaluate prehistoric culture changes among material artifacts such as projectile points, ceramic types, burial practices, and subsistence patterns particularly the origins of agriculture.

For example, all prehistoric peoples built hearths for warmth and cooking. More dated hearths might reflect more people during specific prehistoric periods.

Perhaps questionable radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites also provide chronological information for human activities in an environment over time. Charcoal might reflect periods of site occupations even if not directly associated with artifacts that archaeologists wish to date. Cultural factors probably influenced archaeological site formation, kinds of features constructed and preserved, and associated radiometric dates. For example, throughout the Paleo-Indian and Archaic periods it is assumed that Native Americans hunted and gathered naturally occurring animal, plant and fish resources.

Human populations were mobile in order to exploit highly pro- ductive seasonal resources, such as changes in animal ranges, fish spawning runs, and the differential ripening schedules of greens, roots, fruits, seeds and nut resources.

Many archaeological sites in Connecticut were reoccupied over thousands of years, suggesting favorable environmental conditions at particular locations. Woodland period agriculture involved production of new food resources that might have led to lower seasonal mobility.

Agriculture is also often associated with human population increases e. Sedentary agricultural lifestyles might have led to new types of deep storage features that were conducive to preservation of charcoal and other organic remains e. Greater numbers of features might have been associated with agricultural subsistence patterns such as food storage facilities, postholes from permanent structures, middens resulting from annual or pro- longed seasonal occupations, and perhaps palisades or other fortifications.

Therefore, adoption of agricul- tural subsistence strategies might be indicated by increasing numbers of radiocarbon dated features than during pre-agricultural times. Many environmental factors also effect carbon preservation. Because charcoal and other organic matter physically decay over time, fewer and smaller carbon samples are usually available from Paleo- Indian and Archaic period sites than from more recent Woodland period sites.

Geological processes have destroyed archaeological sites throughout the Holocene period of human occupations. Sea levels have risen and have inundated coastal sites.

Rivers and streams have eroded valleys and terraces. Geomorphic proc- esses have probably destroyed a greater number of older archaeological sites, and associated charcoal samples, than recent sites. Carbon physics and chemistry also influence radiocarbon dates as valid chronological indicators of human occupations at archaeological sites.

Bristlecone pine calibrations Suess ; Stuiver et al. Recent data from Greenland ice cores and uranium-thorium dates from corals and from other sources have extended the cali- bration range to include the Paleo-Indian period e. By Paleo-Indian times, the magnitude of error for radiocarbon dates is more than 2, years earlier than actual calendric dates.

Radiocarbon dates are usually reported as BP dates radiocarbon years before present, and are converted to calen- dric dates BC or AD following calibration. Shells, bone and short-lived plant materials have often provided inaccurate radiometric dates. Accelerator mass spectrometry AMS dating techniques have greatly relieved problems of small carbon samples and differences among dated materials.

C 13 isotope corrections can also be applied to plant samples with a C4 pathways, including maize and other cultigens. Radiometric dates also reflect the research designs of individual archaeologists who selectively excavate sites, submit samples, and publish results from radiometric dating to support specific research questions.

Sets of radiocarbon dates might reflect biases among researchers rather than unbiased samples of archaeological sites or features.

Many of these factors were considered when assembling radiocarbon data from Connecticut. Inter- pretations of the Connecticut radiometric chronology were aided by comparisons with other radiocarbon sequences from Northeastern North America. Until about , archaeological sites were recorded by Smithsonian inventory numbers identifying the state number e.

Since approximately , the Connecticut Historical Commission and the Office of the State Archaeologist have inventoried archaeological sites by an alphabetical town number and site series number e.

The Connecticut radiometric database derives from combined efforts of numerous archaeologists and research institutions. The Connecticut database presently includes radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites Table I.

Radiocarbon dates are listed from older to more recent dates. Information was collected from published sources, unpublished archaeological survey reports on file with the Connecticut Historical Commission, Ph. C C 12 corrections were selected for this list when this information was available.

Laboratory numbers are reported on Table I. Connecticut site inventory numbers have been compiled for named sites from computerized site files of the Connecticut Historical Commission. Radiocarbon dates are also presented for twenty-two sites that either have not yet received site numbers or for which site forms have not yet been filed with the Connecticut Historical Commission.

Towns and physiographic regions associated with archaeological sites have also been reported on Table I. Archaeological information presented on Table I includes site names, features or site proveniences of dated samples, and the material submitted for dating e. Projectile point types, ceramic types, cultigens, and other important cultural materials associated with radiocarbon dates are included on Table I. Typological information for artifacts often varies between archaeological reports.

The expected prehistoric cultural periods of artifacts are also listed. Published and unpublished references for radiocarbon dates are presented below. Table 2 summarizes the radiocarbon database from Connecticut towns and physiographic regions. Table 2 describes the numbers of archaeological sites with radiocarbon dates, the numbers of individual dates from towns, and the range of dates from towns.

Only 34 percent of Connecticut towns 57 towns have dated prehistoric archaeological sites. Most towns have few dates that only encompass segments of the prehistoric chronological sequence. Ledyard has the most dates 41 dates largely resulting from cultural resource surveys sponsored by the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation.

The Northwest Highlands encompass an area of The highest point in Connecticut is feet elevation on Mount Frissel at the northwest comer of the state. The average elevation for all towns in the Northwest Highlands is feet above sea level O’Brien Mountains and rolling plateaus drain into the narrow valleys, including the Shepaug River tributary to the Housatonic River, and the Farmington River that drains into the Connecticut River.

An aggressive program of archaeological excavations and radiocarbon dating began in western Connecticut during by the Shepaug Valley Archaeological Society Swigart Swigart reported 10 radiocarbon dates from the Northwest Highlands and II dates from towns in the adjacent Western Uplands.

The Institute has continued to support archaeological research projects. The present sample of radiocarbon dates from the Northwest Highlands includes 32 dates from 20 archaeological sites among six towns Table 2. This is the smallest sample of radiocarbon dates from any region of Connecticut. This date derived from an organic sample and might be of geological rather than human origin. Western Uplands The Western Uplands is a region of rolling hills and valleys.

The uplands are also head- waters to several smaller rivers that flow south into Long Island Sound including the Norwalk, Saugatuck, Mill and Pequonnock Rivers.

The Western Uplands includes The average elevation of towns in the Western Uplands is feet above sea level O’Brien The Western Uplands presently have a sample of 61 radiocarbon dates from 26 sites among II towns. McWeeney’s three earliest carbon samples between 10, to BP probably relate to Paleo-Indian occupations at the Templeton site.

All of these Paleo- Indian charcoal samples were identified as oak or hickory wood, suggesting early Holocene expansion of temperate hardwoods into the uplands of Connecticut by Paleo-Indian times McWeeney A total of 36 radiocarbon dates were procured from sites along the Connecticut sections of the transmission corridor, including 14 dates from seven Western Upland sites, 21 dates from three sites in the Western Coastal Slope region, and one date from the Northwest Highlands.

Other cultural resource management surveys have also contributed substantial numbers of radiocarbon dates from the Western Uplands. Seven dates are available from the Newtown Sewer site in Newtown Jones et al. David Thompson , , personal communication, has maintained a tradition of Archaeological Society of Connecticut field research in the Western Uplands, reporting six dates from the region.

Western Coastal Slope Long Island Sound provides rich environments of marine fisheries, abundant coastal shellfish, and estuary habitats with diverse plant and fish nursery communities. Sea levels have risen throughout the Holocene period of human occupations.

The shoreline of Long Island Sound was approximately 40 m below modern sea levels at approximately 12, BP, 25 m lower between approximately and BP,5 m lower at BP, and approximately 2 m lower at BP Gayes and Bokuniewicz Rising seas have destroyed older archaeological sites along former coastlines, and have eroded headlands and inundated river valleys that may have been important locations for human occupations.

A total of 60 radi- ocarbon dates has been reported from 19 archaeological sites within five towns Table 2. Wiegand has accumulated 34 pub- lished and unpublished radiocarbon dates from nine sites in the region Wiegand , , and personal communication.

In addition, excavations conducted along the Iroquois Gas Transmission System included 21 radiocarbon dates from three sites in Milford Millis et al. Central Valley The Central Valley formed from faulting and subsidence along its eastern border and sedimentary filling of the valley floor Bell Metacomet Ridge rises along the middle of the Central Valley as a result of volcanic intrusions into sedimentary brownstone formations.

Following glaciation, the falls of the Connecticut River at Windsor Locks was a significant ecological barrier to spawning fish moving up the Connecticut River.

The Central Valley encompasses an area of 1, Towns of the Central Valley average feet elevation O’Brien The prehistoric chronology of the Central Valley contains 66 dates from 36 archaeological sites in sixteen towns Table 2. Kevin McBride initiated intensive radiocarbon dating for his doctoral research within the Connecticut River valley.

McBride’s doctoral dissertation and preparatory publications reported 15 radio- carbon dates from the Central Valley, 13 dates from the Eastern Uplands, and 19 dates from the Eastern Coastal Slope regions McBride , ; McBride and Dewar In , Peter Pagoulatos completed a study of Terminal Archaic settlements, reporting nine new radiocarbon dates within the Connecticut River valley.

In , Jonathan Lizee a reanalyzed prehistoric ceramics associated with the Windsor Ceramic Tradition from dated archaeological sites both within and outside the Connecticut River drainage also see Lavin , These studies greatly expanded information about the timespans of particular artifact types and subsistence resources within Connecticut.

Many other archaeological projects have been conducted in the Central Valley. Yale University conducted excavations at the Lewis-Walpole site, Farmington, between and , and Starbuck published 2 radiocarbon dates.

Feder a, b, , in press, n. The region was greatly affected by Pleistocene glaciation, and many modern landforms were formed from moraines and deltatic deposits Lewis and Stone Similar to the Western Coastal Slope, rising sea levels have inundated early Holocene shorelines and associated archaeological sites.

The Eastern Coastal Slope contains radiocarbon dates from 44 archaeological sites within eight towns. John Pfeiffer reported 22 dates from the region in publications leading toward his doctoral dissertation at the State University of New York at Albany about Late Archaic and Terminal Archaic cultures of the lowest Connecticut River valley Pfeiffer , ; Pfeiffer and Stuckenrath MPMRC project files include 29 unpublished dates from seven sites. Many other archaeological surveys have been conducted along the Eastern Coastal Slope.

Amateur archaeologists have investigated possible Medieval Celtic settlements at Gungywarnp, Groton, and have received radiocarbon dates of , , and BP preceding, contemporaneous with, and following the supposed Medieval period of early European colonization Barron , Whittall and Barron Eastern Uplands The Eastern Uplands encompasses an area of 1, square miles within 41 towns Figure 1.

The region is primarily composed of rolling metamorphic formations that form headwaters to the Salmon and Moodus Rivers draining to the Connecticut River, the Yantic and Shetucket Rivers that form the Thames River at Norwich, the Quinebaug River that joins the Shetucket River above Norwich, and the Pawcatuck River that is the boundary with Rhode Island Bell The average elevation of towns in the Eastern Uplands is feet above sea level O’Brien A total of 34 new radiocarbon dates was reported from this project, including dates for Neville-Stark projectile points from the Bolton Spring site ranging between BP and 10, BP.

Regions of Connecticut differ in the number of radiocarbon dates and sites investigated by archae- ologists Table 2. The Eastern Coastal Slope contains twice the number of dated sites and more than three times as many radiocarbon dates as the Northwest Highlands.

Varying sample sizes of radiocarbon dates might influence assessments of regional cultural chronologies. Differing histories of archaeological research within various regions might have introduced biases into the radiocarbon database. Lizee a and Lavin , focused on Woodland sites that contained ceramics. Bendremer ; also George focused on Late Woodland agricultural sites.

Many CRM highway surveys have been conducted along level river terraces that may not have existed during the Early Holocene. Do selective research designs inflate numbers of radiocarbon dates from particular periods?

Table 3 summarizes temporal distributions of radiocarbon dates from different physiographic regions in Connecticut. Dates have been combined into standardized year intervals based upon uncalibrated mean laboratory dates. The primary assumption of this study is that radiocarbon dates represent relatively unbiased samples.

While archaeologists may differentially select artifacts or feature types for dating, we believe that archaeologists are incapable of predicting specific ages of radiocarbon samples.

Archaeologists often reject radiocarbon dates that do not meet preconceived chronological parameters for artifact use or site occupations. Rejected dates are also included in this database. Rejected dates may provide previously unsuspected evidence for cultural chronologies. Figure 2 presents frequency curves numbers of dates per year intervals for total Connecticut radiocarbon dates and chronologies for six physiographic regions.

Several patterns are notable. If archaeological research designs have biased the radiocarbon database, then separate regions should have differing radiocarbon chronologies based on research activities of individual archaeologists. These modes are not expressed in the Northwest Highlands possibly because of the small number of dates from this region, but perhaps also because of different cultural-ecological processes in mountainous habitats.

Sea level rise, and consequent destruction of early archaeological sites, may have been more severe along the Western Coastal Slope than along the Eastern Coastal Slope.

Late Archaic dates are less common in the west than the east. No amount of sampling bias can account for the consistent lack of radi- ocarbon dates between BP and BP across all physiographic regions of Connecticut. Connecticut radiocarbon dates dates per year interval in geographic region.

Geographic patterning of these radiocarbon date modes is beyond its likelihood of archaeological sampling bias, and probably reflects undetermined cultural processes in Connecticut.

One tempting hypothesis is that regional modes reflect shifting population centers, perhaps associated with ethnic migrations e.

However, this question is beyond the scope of this paper. Connecticut radiocarbon dates should contribute to general understanding of prehistoric cultural changes. The Connecticut radiocarbon chronology can be appreciated from comparisons with other studies of prehistoric chronology and culture change in Northeastern North America. Ritchie’s prehistoric cultural chronology for New York was developed from relatively large numbers of radiocarbon dates during the early decades of radiocarbon dating in archaeology.

The New York chronology has provided structure for New England archaeology until the present time e. Ritchie’s cultural sequence included a then poorly dated Paleo-Indian Stage ca. Each cultural stage was associated with artifacts and other material traits that presumably conferred progressive adaptive advantages, and possibly effected prehistoric human populations over time.

The Archaic Stage was first named by Ritchie , based upon excavations at Lamoka Lake and other sites, to signify pre-ceramic cultures subsisting by hunting, gathering wild plants and fishing. Ritchie initially defined two projectile point traditions within the Archaic Stage. Initial lack of radiocarbon dated sites between 10, BP and BP led Ritchie and Funk ; after Fitting to speculate whether an Early Archaic Sub-Stage was a period of population abandonment in the Northeast, associated with low resource productivity of early post-glacial boreal conifer forests.

Pollen and macro-botanical studies have subsequently demonstrated that mixed hardwood forests had expanded into the region at much earlier times e. The Early Archaic 10, – BP was established from radiocarbon dates at Staten Island sites that contained Kirk, Palmer, and bifurcate-base points analogous to point types in the Southeastern United States Ritchie and Funk The Maritime Archaic has not been identified in Connecticut.

The Transitional Stage or Terminal Archaic was associated with an expanded material inventory toward the eventual manufacture of pottery Ritchie Transitional Stage artifacts included steatite vessels, early Vinette I pottery, and Susquehanna, Frost Island and Orient projectile points. Burial cere- monialism was also a recognized as trait of the Transitional Stage in New England Dincauze Radi- ocarbon dates demonstrated broad chronological overlaps among Archaic projectile point traditions and other artifacts in New England Hoffman The Late Woodland showed increasing influences from maize agriculture and regional diversification of ceramic types in New York after BP Ritchie and Funk Late Woodland projectile points included Levanna and Madison triangular types.

Many radiocarbon samples have been submitted by archaeologists during the decades following the publications of Ritchie’s New York prehistoric chronology, and Jordan’s early survey of New England radiocarbon dates.

As radiocarbon databases grew, lists of dates were published from many New England and Middle Atlantic States. Studies include Hoffman’s list of dates from Massachusetts, Gengras’ list of dates from New Hampshire, Herbstritt’s dates from Pennsylvania, Trader’s list of dates from West Virginia, and Boyce and Frye’s dates from Maryland.

A list of dates is available from southern Ontario covering the Middle and Late Woodland periods Smith In addition, Hoffman has recently published a list of dates for steatite and early ceramics from New England. Most of these studies reported uncalibrated radiocarbon dates radiocarbon years before present or BP. Date sequences are therefore uncalibrated in following discussions and in Table I. As noted above, radiocarbon dates are valuable for studying changes of prehistoric material culture.

Assumptions of randomness might be invalid, but this question should be examined through a review of available data. Table 4 summarizes the numbers of uncorrected radiocarbon dates within year intervals from individual states. Simple frequency distribution curves number of dates per year interval have been compiled for each state and regional radiocarbon study.

Therefore, it is not possible to compare prehistoric cultural chronologies in quite the same ways between all areas of Northeastern North America from the published studies of radiocarbon chronologies. Differences in approaches between different studies are often illustrative of varying research designs and problems of radiocarbon dating, in general. M cc ;:! N S; o; r-. The Maryland sample was relatively small with only dates. The earliest date at the time of the study was BP. Rising sea levels flooded many Chesapeake Bay archaeological sites, perhaps accounting for few Archaic dates in the Maryland sample.

A large increase of dates occurred after BP, marking the beginning of the Late Woodland. Subsequent archaeological studies have demonstrated that maize appeared at many sites along the western shore of Chesapeake Bay at approximately BP Reeve Maryland Dates after Boyce and Frye The Maryland sample reflects one problem of radiocarbon chronologies. During the s, the federal government and Maryland Coastal Zone Administration sponsored Chesapeake Bay coastal archae- ological surveys e.

Oyster shells from many prehistoric shell middens were directly dated. Figure 3 suggests differences between shell and wood charcoal dates.

Shell dates were consistently older than wood charcoal dates, possibly biasing chronological patterns with numerous spuri- ous dates in this small sample. Non-shell samples magnify the increase of radiocarbon dates during the Late Woodland period Figure 3.

Figure 4 is a West Virginia sample of dates Trader Albans site. Bifurcate Base points ranged between and BP. Shifts to maize agriculture occurred earlier in the Ohio River valley than in the Chesapeake Bay area and New England. Figure 5 presents a large sample of dates from Pennsylvania Herbstritt Herbstritt reported cultural periods rather than specific artifact types associated with radiocarbon dates.

Herbstritt’s cultural periods approached normal uni-modal distributions for date frequencies. The Paleo-Indian period ended by approximately BP. The Early Archaic might have extended to BP. Early Woodland to Late Woodland periods tended to overlap in time.

The overall Pennsylvania pattern suggested punctuated increases and then stabil- ity for the numbers of dates over time from the Paleo-Indian through Middle Archaic periods and again during the Late-Terminal Archaic through Middle Woodland periods. West Virginia dates after Trader and selected point types. Woodland dates was evident after BP. Similar to date sequences to the south of Pennsylvania, the dramatic increase of Late Woodland dates might reflect the adoption of maize agriculture, marking both sedentary villages and population increases.

Recently, Smith focused attention on the Middle to Late Woodland transition to maize agri- culture in southern Ontario. Southern Ontario cultural phases were examined from radiocarbon dates between and BP Figure 6. This is currently the earliest verified date for maize macro-botanical rather than pollen evidence in Eastern North America outside of the Mississippi-Ohio River drainage e.

Smith suggests that early maize BP might have been traded into the southern Ontario, or was part ofa mixed hunting-gather- ing-fishing-horticultural subsistence economy. Relatively low frequencies of Middle Woodland dated sites indicate population stability among southern Ontario hunter-gatherers until after BP, when a large increase of radiocarbon dates indicated expansion of agricultural villages among Early Ontario Iroquoians.

The dramatic increase of Early Ontario lroquoian dates after BP was consistent with the chronology for agriculture from the Middle Atlantic region to the south. A comparative list of radiocarbon dates from northern New England has recently been published for New Hampshire Gengras The New Hampshire sample included dates from 38 sites Figure 7. This study did not report associated artifacts or cultigens, but instead listed dated sites by river systems. The total New Hampshire sample demonstrated relative continuity of radiocarbon dates from the Paleo- Indian period at the Whipple site through the Middle Archaic periods.

A smaller Late Woodland mode occurred at BP. Pennsylvania dates after Herbstritt and cultural periods. Southern Ontario dates after Smith and cultural phases.

New Hampshire dates after Gengras and geographic regions. Late Woodland dates were more common along the Connecticut River than within other New Hampshire river systems Figure 7. Agriculture was probably not as important to Late Woodland people in the colder, mountainous areas of New Hampshire as farther south or at lower elevations of the Connecticut River valley.

However, small sample sizes from most New Hampshire rivers affect interpre- tations of regional variability within the radiocarbon chronology. Figure 8 summarizes Hoffman’s sequence of dates from Massachusetts. Massachusetts dates maintained a bi-modal distribution similar to the New Hampshire sample. There were relatively few dates from the Paleo-Indian through the Middle Archaic periods in Massachusetts.

Dated sites became more common at BP, and reached a peak at approximately BP. Numbers of dates increased during the Late Woodland after BP.

Agriculture might not have been as important among New England populations as among Late Woodland people to the south and west. It was a day of rest only so far as the heavier work of the camp was suspended.

Sanctuary privileges there were none. The work would often close in the sunny days of March. The men would mostly depart for home. A few would remain to drive the logs with the first water from the melting of the snows late in April. Driving logs in the rapid waters of Maine is hazardous work. Scarcely a day passes without imminent risk to life and limb of the hardy and venturesome men engaged in the work of breaking log landings and jams, and running boats.

Men are exposed to wet and cold from dawn till dark. This work requires active and vigorous men, constitutionally fitted and carefully trained [Pg xviii] to the work. They are usually sociable, lively and wide awake, these qualities enabling them to endure, and even to enjoy, the life of hardship which they lead, and to which they become so accustomed that they are unwilling to leave it until worn out by its inevitable hardship. Folsom Frontispiece James S.

Blanding Reuben F. Warner opp Rev. Boutwell Devil’s Chair Frank N. Peterson Rev. Washburn opp John S. Pillsbury opp St. Anthony Falls Birdseye View of St. Paul opp Henry H. Sibley opp Alex.

Ramsey opp Henry M. Rice opp Edmund Rice opp Wm. Rainey Marshall opp Wm. Fisher John B. Sanborn opp H. Hall Hon. Le Duc Lucius F. Going West. James Duane Doty 19 James H. Lockwood 20 Indian Troubles 21 John S. Jones 31 S. Anderson 55 Emanuel D. Farmer 56 Col. John Greely 56 Mrs. Leach 58 Socrates Nelson 58 Mrs. William Holcombe William S. Barron George W. Brownell Col. Robert C. Murphy Edward Worth Mrs. Mary C. Worth Maurice M. Samuels Joseph B. McGlothlin Andrew L. Tuttle John Weymouth B.

Reynolds Augustus Gaylord James D. Reymert William J. Stratton Elma M. Blanding Blanding Family Frederick G. Bartlett Michael Field Alden Rev. Peabody V. Smith Clayton Reuben F. Nason Joel F. Gallespie Luck William H. Carmi P. Garlick John S. Godfrey William A. Talboys Charles H. Staples J. Peake George Wilson Samuel B. Dresser Frederic A. Dresser Oscar A.

Clark Oscar F. Knapp Mrs. Elisabeth B. Hayes Cyrus G. Bradley W. Hale Edgar C. Treadwell St. Croix Falls St. Samuel Deneen William W. John B. Page Dr. Henning Moses S. Gibson Col. Otis Hoyt S. Fuller Miles H. Van Meter Philip B. Jewell John Tobin Horace A.

Moffatt James H. Childs William Dwelley James M. Fulton Marcus A. Fulton David C. Fulton N. Holden William H. Semmes Sterling Jones D. Bailey Henry C. Baker Mert Herrick D. Baldwin John Comstock Lucius P. Wetherby John C. Spooner Thomas Porter Herman L. Humphrey Theodore Cogswell Frank P. Catlin Charles Y.

Denniston A. Jefferson Samuel C. Symonds John E. Price E. Bundy Towns and Biographies. Bradley William Dailey Robert and Wm. Johnson Joel Bartlett Francis W. Bartlett George C. Hough Silas Staples Dr. Henry Murdock Steven N. Samuel Harriman St. Vance Allen R. Wilson E. Pierce Hans B. Taylor John Huitt John M. Thayer A. Andrews Joseph A. Short Prof. Allen H. Weld Allen P. Weld George W. Nichols W. Powell Oliver S. Powell Nils P. Haugen H. Burnett County.

Stratton Barron County. Ashland County. Haskell G. Vaughn Dr. Edwin Ellis Martin Beaser Hon. Sam S. Fifield Bayfield County. Newton Judge Solon H. Clough Vincent Roy D. Frederic Ayer Rev. William T. Boutwell Discovery of Itasca [Pg xxx] Mrs.

Hester C. Grant, Sr. Robinson Hiram Brackett Randall K. Burrows John S. Kanabec County. History, Boundaries, etc. Danforth N. Danforth Alvah J. Cater M. Cater Edwin Allen John H. Allen A. Damon [Pg xxxi] C.

Ingalls Mrs. Lavina L. Hallberg Charles A. Anderson Frank N. Pratt Voloro D. Eddy F. Brown Patten W. Davis James F. Harvey Floyd S. Bates Isaac H. Warner Charles F. Lowe Wells Farr John G. Mold George L. Blood Joel G. Jesse Taylor Joshua L. Taylor Nathan C. Taylor Thomas F.

Morton Henry N. Setzer Patrick Fox William F. Newbury Emil Munch A. Wilmarth Lucius K. Stannard James W. Mullen David Caneday George B. Folsom Aaron M. Chase Peter Abear Levi W. Folsom Eddington Knowles Dr. Lucius B. Smith William Comer E. Whiting and Brothers Frederic Tang, Sr. Folsom George W. Seymour James A. Edwards Stephen J. Gray John P. Tombler Dr. Furber Samuel W. Furber Theodore Furber James S. Dibble George Harris Harley D.

Crosby Reuben H. Parker Hiram Berkey George B. Otis William Clark James R. Meredith [Pg xxxiv] John D. Ward Samuel Judd Frederic W. Lammers James R. Ford Daniel Hopkins, Sr. Lyman Henry A. Jackman Frederic J. City of Stillwater. Isaac Staples Samuel F.

Murdock George M. Seymour Frank A. Susannah Tepass William E. Thorne Edmund J. Butts A. Easton Edwin A. Folsom John B. Castle Abraham L. Gallespie John C. Gardiner V. Seward Ralph Wheeler Edward S. Van Voorhes Andrew J. Van Voorhes Henry C. Van Voorhes C. Bromley Charles J. Butler Levi E. Thompson George Davis William M. McCluer John N.

Ahl Samuel M. Register J. Johnson Gold T. Curtis Harley D. Curtis Francis R. Delano Henry W. Cannon Dwight M. Stearns County. Organization and History of St. Wilson Charles T. Stearns Henry G. Collins Henry C. Waite Gen. Lowry A. Evans Ambrose Freeman Nathan F. Barnes Nehemiah P. Clark Oscar E.

Garrison Charles A. Gilman Other Citizens Anoka County. Arnold S. Ridge J. Green S. Haskell M. Frost A. Bean A. Fridley William Staples Capt. James Starkey Sherburne County. DeLille Howard M. Atkins B. Cater J. Bean J. Jamieson A. Heath Dr. George Royal George W. Benton County. Benedict J. Wood William H. Wood Mrs. Wood A. DeLacy Wood P. Wood Rev. Hamlin Morrison County. Churchill John M. Kidder Warren Kobe Ola K. Black Ira W. Bouch Robert Russell Peter A. Green Rodolphus D.

Kinney John D. Logan Crow Wing County. White Allen Morrison Charles F. Aitkin County. Watkins St. Louis County. Stuntz George E. Stone Charles H. Graves Ozro P. Stearns Lake County. Description Two Harbors Cook County.

Anthony Incorporated Annexation to Minneapolis, St. Anthony List of Mayors Water vs. Calvin A. Tuttle Cyrus Aldrich Dr. Alfred E. Ames Dr. Albert A. Ames Jesse Ames Cadwallader C. Washburn William D. Washburn Joseph C. Russell Horatio P. Van Cleve Charlotte O. Lennon John H. Stevens Caleb D. Dorr Rev. Edward D. Neill John Wensignor Robert H. Hasty Stephen Pratt Capt. John Tapper R. Cummings Elias H. Conner C. Foster A. Foster Charles E. Vanderburgh Dorillius Morrison H. Morrison F. Cornell Gen.

Nettleton Isaac Atwater Rev. David Brooks Prof. Jabez Brooks John S. Pillsbury Henry T. Wilson R. Langdon William M. Bracket Thos. Walker Austin H. Young Henry G. Hicks John P. Organization, First Officers St. Paul North St. Forbes Henry M. Larpenteur William H. Nobles Simeon P. Folsom Jacob W. Bass Benjamin W. Brunson Abram S. Elfelt D. Baker Benjamin F. Hoyt John Fletcher Williams Dr. John H. Murphy William H.

Tinker George P. Jacobs Lyman Dayton Henry L. Lott W. Davidson Wm. Fisher Charles H. Oakes C. Borup Capt. Russell Blakely Rensselaer R. Nelson George L. Flandrau John B. Sanborn John R. Irvine Horace R. Bigelow Cushman K. Davis S.

McMillan Willis A. Gorman John D. Ludden Elias F. Drake Norman W. Kittson Hascal R. Brill Ward W. Folsom [Pg xl] Gordon E. Cole James Smith, Jr. Whitcher T. Newson Alvaren Allen Harlan P.

Dakota County. Crosby G. Le Duc Goodhue County. Hubbard William Colville Martin S. Wilson Wabasha County. Tefft James Wells Winona County. Scenery Winona City Daniel S. Norton William Windom Charles H. Pierre Bottineau Andrew G. Dunnell James H. Baker Horace B. McDonald Thomas H. Armstrong Augustus Armstrong Moses K. Armstrong James B.

Paul Railroad St. Stuntz on Lake Superior and St. Croix Canal Waterways Convention, E. Durant’s Valuable Statistics Resolution for St.

Croix Ice Boats James W. Mullen’s Reminiscences, St. Croix Rev. Julius S. Scott, Maj. Anderson, and Jeff. Davis Jeff. Military History of the Rebellion, to Gov.

After mature deliberation we concluded to go West. Returning to Bloomfield, I collected the money held for me by Capt. Ruel Weston and was soon in readiness for the journey. But a few days before the time agreed upon for leaving, I received a letter from Simeon Goodrich, which contained the unpleasant information that he could not collect the amount due him and could not go with me. Truly this was a disappointment.

I was obliged to set out alone, no light undertaking at that early day, for as yet there were no long lines of railroad between Maine and the Mississippi river.

The day at last arrived for me to start. My companions and acquaintances chaffed me as to the perils of the journey before me. My mother gave me her parting words, “William, always respect yourself in order to be respected. The stage took us directly to the steamboat at Gardiner.

The steam was up and the boat was soon under way. It was the New England, the first boat of the kind I had ever seen. I felt strangely unfamiliar with the ways of the traveling world, but observed what others did, and asked no questions, and so fancied that my ignorance of traveling customs would not be exposed.

It was sunset as we floated out into the wide expanse of the Atlantic. The western horizon was tinged with fiery hues, the shores grew fainter and receded from view and the eye could rest at last only upon the watery expanse. All [Pg 2] things seemed new and strange. Next morning a heavy fog hung over the scene.

The vessel was at anchor in Boston harbor and we were soon on shore and threading the crooked streets of the capital of Massachusetts.

I was not lost in the wilderness maze of streets, as I had feared I should be, but on leaving Boston on the evening train I took the wrong car and found myself uncomfortably situated in a second or third class car, crowded and reeking with vile odors, from which the conductor rescued me, taking me to the pleasant and elegant car to which my first class ticket entitled me.

On arriving at Providence I followed the crowd to the landing and embarked on the steamer President for New York, in which city we remained a day, stopping at the City Hotel on Broadway. I was greatly impressed with the beauty of part of the city, and the desolate appearance of the Burnt District, concerning the burning of which we had read in our winter camp.

I was not a little puzzled with the arrangement of the hotel tables and the printed bills of fare, but closely watched the deportment of others and came through without any serious or mortifying blunder.

Stevens for Albany, and on the evening of the same day went to Schenectady by railroad. Some of the way cars were hauled by horses up hills and inclined planes. There were then only three short lines of railroad in the United States, and I had traveled on two of them. At Schenectady I took passage on a canal boat to Buffalo. I had read about “De Witt Clinton’s Ditch,” and now greatly enjoyed the slow but safe passage it afforded, and the rich prospect of cities, villages and cultivated fields through which we passed.

At Buffalo we remained but one day. We there exchanged eastern paper for western, the former not being current in localities further west. At Buffalo I caught my first glimpse of Lake Erie. I stood upon a projecting pier and recalled, in imagination, the brave Commodore Perry, gallantly defending his country’s flag in one of the most brilliant engagements of the war, the fame whereof had long been familiar to the whole country and the thrilling incidents of which were the theme of story and song even in the wilderness camps of Maine.

The steamer Oliver Newberry bore me from Buffalo to Detroit. From Detroit to Mt. Clemens, Michigan, I went by stage and stopped at the last named place until October 14th, when, being [Pg 3] satisfied that the climate was unhealthy, fever and ague being very prevalent, I returned to Detroit, and on the fifteenth of the same month took passage on the brig Indiana, as steamers had quit running for the season.

The brig was aground two days and nights on the St. Clair flats. A south wind gave us a splendid sail up the Detroit river into Lake Huron. We landed for a short time at Fort Gratiot, at the outlet of the lake, just as the sun was setting. The fort was built of stone, and presented an impressive appearance. The gaily uniformed officers, the blue-coated soldiers, moving with the precision of machines, the whole scene—the fort, the waving flags, the movement of the troops seen in the mellow sunset light—was impressive to one who had never looked upon the like before.

A favorable breeze springing up, we sped gaily out into the blue Lake Huron. At Saginaw bay the pleasant part of the voyage ended. The weather became rough.

A strong gale blew from the bay outward, and baffled all the captain’s skill in making the proper direction. Profane beyond degree was Capt. McKenzie, but his free-flowing curses availed him nothing. The brig at one time was so nearly capsized that her deck load had rolled to one side and held her in an inclined position.

The captain ordered most of the deck load, which consisted chiefly of Chicago liquors, thrown overboard. Unfortunately, several barrels were saved, two of which stood on deck, with open heads.

This liquor was free to all. The vessel, lightened of a great part of her load, no longer careened, but stood steady against the waves and before the wind. It is a pity that the same could not be said of captain, crew and passengers, who henceforth did the careening. They dipped the liquor up in pails and drank it out of handled dippers.

They got ingloriously drunk; they rolled unsteadily across the deck; they quarreled, they fought, they behaved like Bedlamites, and how near shipwreck was the goodly brig from that day’s drunken debauch on Chicago free liquor will never be known. The vessel toiled, the men were incapacitated for work, but notwithstanding the tempest of profanity and the high winds, the wrangling of crew and captain, we at last passed Saginaw bay. The winds were more favorable. Thence to Mackinaw the sky was clear and bright, the air cold.

The night before reaching Mackinaw an unusual disturbance occurred above resulting from the abundance of free liquor. The cook, being [Pg 4] drunk, had not provided the usual midnight supper for the sailors. The key of the caboose was lost; the caboose was broken open, and the mate in the morning was emulating the captain in the use of profane words. The negro cook answered in the same style, being as drunk as his superior.

This cook was a stout, well built man, with a forbidding countenance and, at his best, when sober, was a saucy, ill-natured and impertinent fellow. When threat after threat had been hurled back and forth, the negro jumped at the mate and knocked him down. The sailors, as by a common impetus, seized the negro, bound him tightly and lashed him to a capstan. On searching him they found two loaded pistols. These the mate placed close to each ear of the bound man, and fired them off.

They next whipped him on the naked back with a rope. His trunk was then examined and several parcels of poison were found.

Another whipping was administered, and this time the shrieks and groans of the victim were piteous. Before he had not even winced. The monster had prepared himself to deal death alike to crew and passengers, and we all felt a great sense of relief when Capt. McKenzie delivered him to the authorities at Mackinaw.

Antique Mackinaw was a French and half-breed town. The houses were built of logs and had steep roofs. Trading posts and whisky shops were well barred. The government fort, neatly built and trim, towered up above the lake on a rocky cliff and overlooked the town, the whole forming a picturesque scene.

We remained but a few hours at Mackinaw. There were ten cabin passengers, and these, with two exceptions, had imbibed freely of the Chicago free liquor. They were also continually gambling. McKenzie had fought a fist fight with a deadhead passenger, Capt. Fox, bruising him badly. What with his violence and profanity, the brutality of the mate and the drunken reveling of crew and passengers, the two sober passengers had but a sorry time, but the safe old brig, badly officered, badly managed, held steadily on its course, and October 30th, fifteen days from Detroit, safely landed us in Chicago.

After being so long on the deck of a tossing vessel, I experienced a strange sensation when first on shore. I had become accustomed to the motion of the vessel, and had managed to hold myself steady. On shore the pitching and tossing movement seemed to continue, only it seemed transferred to my head, [Pg 5] which grew dizzy, and so produced the illusion that I was still trying to balance myself on the unsteady deck of the ship.

Chicago, since become a great city, had at that time the appearance of an active, growing village. Thence I proceeded, November 1st and 2d, by stage to Milwaukee, which appeared also as a village, but somewhat overgrown. Idle men were numerous, hundreds not being able to obtain employment. Here I remained a couple of weeks, stopping at the Belleview House. After which I chopped wood a few days for Daniel Wells. Not finding suitable employment, I started west with a Mr. Rogers, December 2d. There being no other means of conveyance, we traveled on foot.

On the evening of the second we stopped at Prairie Village, now known as Waukesha. On the evening of the third we stopped at Meacham’s Prairie, and on the fifth reached Rock River, where I stopped with a Mr. The evening following we stopped at an Irish house, where the surroundings did not conduce to comfort or to a feeling of security. Several drunken men kept up a continuous row. We hid our money in a haystack, and took our turn sleeping and keeping watch.

We ate an early breakfast, and were glad to get away before the men who had created such a disturbance during the night were up. We moved onward on the seventh to Blue Mound, where we found a cheerful resting place at Brigham’s. The eighth brought us to Dodgeville, where we stopped at Morrison’s. On the ninth we reached Mineral Point, the locality of the lead mines, where I afterward lost much time in prospecting.

Mineral Point was then a rude mining town. The night of our arrival was one of excitement and hilarity in the place. The first legislature of the territory of Wisconsin had been in session at Belmont, near Mineral Point, had organized the new government and closed its session on that day. To celebrate this event and their emancipation from the government of Michigan and the location of the capital at Madison, the people from the Point, and all the region round about, had met and prepared a banquet for the retiring members of the legislature.

Madison was at that time a paper town, in the wilderness, but beautifully located on Cat Fish lake, and at the head of Rock river. The location had been accomplished by legislative tact, and a compromise between the extremes. In view of the almost certain division of the Territory, with the Mississippi river as a [Pg 6] boundary, at no very distant day, it was agreed that Madison should be the permanent capital, while Burlington, now in Iowa, should be used temporarily.

Milwaukee and Green Bay had both aspired to the honor of being chosen as the seat of government. Mineral Point, with her rich mines, had also aspirations, as had Cassville, which latter named village had even built a great hotel for the accommodation of the members of the assembly. Dubuque put in a claim, but all in vain. Madison was chosen, and wisely, and she has ever since succeeded in maintaining the supremacy then thrust upon her. In my boyhood, at school, I had read of the great Northwest Territory.

It seemed to me then far away, at the world’s end, but I had positively told my comrades that I should one day go there. I found myself at last on the soil, and at a period or crisis important in its history.

The immense territory had been carved and sliced into states and territories, and now the last remaining fragment, under the name of Wisconsin, had assumed territorial prerogatives, organized its government, and, with direct reference to a future division of territory, had selected its future capital, for as yet, except in name, Madison was not. In assuming territorial powers, the boundaries had been enlarged so as to include part of New Louisiana, and the first legislature had virtually bartered away this part of her domain, of which Burlington, temporary capital of Wisconsin, was to be the future capital.

Two more days of foot plodding brought us to Galena, the city of lead. The greeting on our entering the city was the ringing of bells, the clattering of tin pans, the tooting of ox horns, sounds earthly and unearthly,—sounds no man can describe.

What could it be? Was it for the benefit of two humble, footsore pedestrians that all this uproar was produced? We gave it up for the time, but learned subsequently that it was what is known as a charivari, an unmusical and disorderly serenade, generally gotten up for the benefit of some newly married couple, whose nuptials had not met with popular approval.

At Galena I parted with Mr. Rogers, my traveling companion, who went south. On the fifteenth of December I traveled to Dubuque on foot. When I came to the Mississippi river I sat down on its banks and recalled the humorous description of old [Pg 7] Mr. Carson, my neighbor, to which I had listened wonderingly when a small boy.

The turtles in it were big as barn doors, and their shells would make good ferryboats if they could only be kept above water.

Several persons desiring to cross, we made a portable bridge of boards, sliding them along with us till we were safe on the opposite bank. I was now at the end of my journey, on the west bank of the Mississippi, beyond which stretched a vast and but little known region, inhabited by Indians and wild beasts.

As I review the incidents of my journey in , I can not but contrast the conditions of that era and the present. How great the change in half a century! The journey then required thirty days.


Windows Version ISO – Microsoft Community.The Project Gutenberg eBook of Fifty Years In The Northwest, by W. H. C. Folsom.

Quaternary Research 41 From the highest of these peaks the view was magnificent.

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